This confederacy was formed, and is still maintained and strengthened, by spreading jealousies and suspicions among the people, who, though honest in their views, are very liable to be misled by artful men. One of the most

successful weapons ever weilded by this coalition of dis. appointed men, is furnished them by the present war in Europe. The combination of powers against France, which we all reprobate, is said to be a combination against liberty in general, and if France should fail of success, it is said, we shall be the next object of attack.

This is a mere suggestion of our restless men, to alarm your fears, and drive you, if possible, from your neutral ground into hostility. The suggestion was first made by the late French minister, whose mission to this country was for the express purpose of flattering, intrigueing, or forcing you into war. His instructions are clear and explicit on this head.

That minister was displaced and his views counteracted by the firmness of our president, seconded by the northern states. But the party which originally rallied under that man, still exists, and forms a league, co-extensive with the United States, connected in all its parts, and acting by a single impulse.

Thus, in the infancy of our empire, the bane of all republics, is already diffused over our country, and poisons the whole body politic. Faction is a disease which has proved fatal to all popular governments; but in America it has assumed an aspect more terrible than in any other country. In ancient republics, popular commotions were sudden things, excited by the emergencies of the moment, bursting instantly on the existing government, producing a revolution, banishing a tyrant who was powerful, or a patriot who was popular, and an object of jealousy to some ambitious competitor.

But in America, faction has assumed consistency and system-it is a conspiracy perpetually existing—an opposition organized and disciplined, for the purpose of defeating the regular exercise of the constitutional pow. ers of our government, whenever a measure does not please the secret leaders of the confederacy.

My countrymen, be watchful of the progress of the associations formed on the plan of the Jacobin society in

France. That society was a powerful instrument in the work of demolishing the monarchy; but on the ruins of monarchy it raised the most frightful despotism ever recorded in history. Leagued with sister societies in every village and city of France, the Jacobins governed the convention, Paris, and all France, for a long time, and filled it with blood, confiscation, and ruin. So terrible was the tyranny of these associations, that the convention were compelled to prohibit their meetings; but so numerous are the numbers, and so active the spirit of revenge, that two or three insurrections have been raised by the Jacobins in Paris, blood has been shed in various parts of that faction, they have been in possession of Toulon, a civil war is often excited, and it seems yet doubtful whether the national representatives, or private unauthorized clubs, shall govern France.

My countrymen, you are threatened with a similar evil. Under the pretended mask of patriotism, and watching over our liberties, private associations are formed, and extending their influence over our country. The popular societies of France did the same. The cry of patriotism was for ever on their tongues; but when they became strong enough, they ruled with a rod of iron. Fire, sword, and the guillotine, were the instruments of their administration.

Be not deceived into a belief that our citizens are incapable of similar outrages. Violent men may be found in every country, and already are the heads of our government as traitors; already is our country threatened with blood and civil war.-If men who regard their rights, and who believe the constitution and laws alone to be the guarantee of those rights, do not unite and show a formida ble countenance against all irregular opposition to those laws, our whole country will be speedily subject to a confederacy of men, a small minority indeed, but bold, though secret in their machinations, indefatigable in their measures, and determined on success.

It is not the treaty alone which is opposed; this is a convenient instrument for them to wield; but the causes of opposition lie deeper. The treaty is not altogether satisfactory; but if carried into effect, it will not be followed with any dangerous consequences, except what will

be created by its opposers. If left to go peaceably into operation, it would have no general effect on business which people at large could feel-agriculture would flourish; trade would be carried on as usual, with little variation; national disputes would be in a train of adjustment, and peace and tranquillity would reign throughout our happy land. But if the opposers of the treaty can possibly embroil our country in a civil war, it will be effected From such a frightful calamity, may your good sense, my fellow-citizens, preserve us! Should the treaty not be ratified, and should the consequences be foreign war, the people, not the government of America, must be answerable for all its melancholy consequences.

No period of our political life has been more critical, or deserving of more temper on the part of the people, and of more prudence and firmness on the part of our executive.

One party wishes to draw closer our alliance with France, even at the hazard of war with all the world. Our government and its supporters wish for perfect neutrality towards all the powers at war-they wish for strict justice and impartiality to be preserved towards all parties, and they wish for friendly intercourse with all-in fine, they wish for uninterrupted peace.

When parties are thus marshalled, it behoves all good men to determine on which side they will range themselves. One or the other must prevail; and on the final prevalence of one or the other of these parties, are suspended the peace, prosperity, and happiness of the United States.

CHAPTER V.

DIALOGUES.

Juba and Syphax.

Jub. SYPHAX, I joy to meet thee thus alone,
I have observ'd of late thy looks are fall'n,
O'rcast with gloomy cares and discontent;
Then tell me, Syphax, I conjure thee tell me,
What are the thoughts that knit thy brow in frowns,
And turn thine eyes thus coldly on thy prince?
Syph. 'Tis not my talent to conceal my thoughts,
Or carry smiles and sunshine in my face,
When discontent sits heavy at my heart:

I have not yet so much of the Roman in me.

Jub. Why dost thou cast out such ungen'rous terms
Against the lords and sov'reigns of the world?
Dost thou not see mankind fall down before them,
And own the force of their superior virtue?
Is there a nation in the wilds of Afric,

Amidst our barren rocks, and burning sands,
That does not tremble at the Roman name?

Syph. Gods! where's the worth that sets this people up Above your own Numidia's tawny sons?

Do they with tougher sinews bend the bend?
Or flies the jav❜lin swifter to its mark,
Launch'd from the vigour of a Roman arm?
Who like our active African instructs
The fiery steed, and trains him to his hand?
Or guides in troops the embattled elephant,
Laden with war? These, these are arts, my prince,
In which your Zama does not stoop to Rome.
fub. These are all virtues of a meaner rank,
Perfections that are plac'd in bones and nerves ;
A Roman's soul is bent on higher views:
To civilize the rude unpolished world,
To lay it under the restraint of laws;
To make man mild, and sociable to man ;
To cultivate the wild licentious savage
With wisdom, discipline, and lib'ral arts :

Th' embellishments of life: virtues like these,
Make human nature shine, reform the soul,
And break our fierce barbarians into men.

[warmth.
Syph. Patience, just Heav'ns!-Excuse an old man's
What are these wond'rous civilizing arts,
This Roman polish, and this smooth behaviour,
That render man thus tractable and tame?
Are they not only to disguise our passions,
To set our looks at variance with our thoughts,
To check the starts and sallies of the soul,
And break off all its commerce with the tongue ?
In short, to change us into other creatures
Than what our nature and the gods design'd us?
fub. To strike thee dumb: turn up thy eyes to Cato!
There may'st thou see to what a godlike height
The Roman virtues lift up mortal man.

While good, and just, and anxious for his friends,
He's still severely bent against himself;

Renouncing sleep, and rest, and food, and ease,
He strives with thirst and hunger, toil and heat:
And when his fortune sets before him all

The pomp and pleasures that his soul can wish,
His rigid virtue will accept of none.

Syph. Believe me, prince, there's not an African
That traverses our vast Numidian desarts
In quest of prey, and lives upon his bow,
But better practises these boasted virtues.
Coarse are his meals, the fortune of the chase,
Amidst the running stream he slakes his thirst,
Toils all the day, and at the approach of night
"On the first friendly bank he throws him down,
Or rests his head upon a rock till morn :
Then rises fresh, pursues his wonted game,
And if the following day he chance to find
A new repast or an untasted spring,
Blesses his stars, and thinks it luxury.

Jub. Thy prejudices, Syphax, won't discern
What virtues grow from ignorance and choice,
Nor how the hero differs from the brute.
But grant that others could with equal glory
Look down on pleasures, and the baits of sense;
Where shall we find the inan that bears affliction,