side, favoured the culture of a fruit so tender. It is well worthy of notice, that to this day the choicest wine of the country is made at Hebron, a city of Judah, around which place every clod of earth seems pressed into the service, and forced to yield its nourishment; even from the crevices of the limestone rock the fibrous stem shoots forth and bears its clusters. Twenty miles to the north of this, at Bethlehem (also in Judah), the vine still flourishes better than elsewhere; and the wine is brought to Jerusalem, and there commonly sold.

These facts, and others of a similar kind, are standing testimony to the truth of all the details of God's word, and its claims to our entire belief. For the Scriptures have described to us particularly the portion of Judah's children, and, had we not obtained the knowledge from our own experience, we should have learnt it from the Bible. Observe the accurate foresight with which the dying patriarch defined the inheritance of his son Judah,- Binding his foal unto the vine, and his ass's colt unto the choice vine, he washed his garments in wine, and his clothes in the blood of grapes.' The accordance of this prophecy with the character of Judah's domain is wonderfully exact. And again, when the spies returned to the parched travellers of the desert with a burden of grapes, that well betokened to them, in their thirsty cravings, the delights of the Promised Land, whence was it they obtained that goodly cluster? It was from the vale of Eschol, hard by Hebron, where still there is a vineyard. How appropriate that the fruit should be fetched from that district where afterwards it was raised in greatest perfection! And yet once more it may do us good to mark that of all the prophets that have recorded their burdens, the husbandman of Tekoa, a city of Judah, most often refers to the calling of husbandry, and to the fruit of the vine. See how he recurs to the subject again and again (Amos iv. 9; v. 11-17; ix. 13-15). And what more natural than for him to speak of a subject so familiar; and, as his home was among the vines of the 'hill country,' as he had dwelt among them from his earliest youth, and watched their cultivation in all its stages, what more natural than that, when the message came, and he gave it out in the fulness of his soul, he should tell of the vineyards and the wine, the treader of grapes and him that soweth seed. We have adduced sufficient illustration of the character of Judah's portion from the Old Testament Scriptures; yet we cannot withhold an indication that the subject offers of a trait of beauty in words of the Saviour. When, in his condescending love, he called himself the true vine, he opened to our contemplation a vast field of delightful truth. While he conveyed spiritual instruction, he did not overlook or despise the adornment of a truthful image; and he who spake of the lilies of the field, the waving corn, and the

WAS LUCIAN ACQUAINTED WITH THE SACRED WRITINGS OF THE CHRISTIANS ? a

FROM the writings of Lucian it appears that he had obtained a pretty accurate knowledge of the Christians of his day, and in the Peregrinus he speaks explicitly of their books: τῶν βίβλων τὰς μὲν ἐξηγεῖτο καὶ διασάφει, πολλὰς δὲ αὐτὸς καὶ ξυνέγραφε. But, on the other hand, the statement that Peregrinus himself wrote such books, proves that Lucian had a false idea of their writings, that is, if he places those of Peregrinus on one and the same line with them; yet he assumes it is known that Christians had their own books. It is moreover possible that the λoyo egoí are discourses on portions of the Holy Scriptures; and if Lucian had in view the epistles of Ignatius, then we have proof that he drew his narratives not merely from tradition, but also from the literature of Christians. We think it has been proved that Lucian could not have wanted opportunities to become accurately acquainted with Christian writings. His journeys led him for the most part into cities where flourishing churches were located. Edessa, one of the earliest seats of Christianity, was hard by Samosata; besides, we find Lucian, for a longer or shorter period, in Antioch, Thessalonica (Philippi), Athens, Rome, Ephesus, Toulouse and Lyons, and in Alexandria.

We also assume as proved that he made a special business of observing his contemporaries, and resorted to great assemblies for the purpose of watching the human heart and its follies. While all forms of religious faith had for him a satirical interest, while he informed himself so carefully respecting the Egyptian, Syrian, Greek, and Roman worship of the gods, it certainly concerned him to learn something specific about the new Christian mysteries (καινὴ τελετή). We may indeed assume that the Christians kept secret their holy writings; but in times of persecution the traditores or betrayers would make this matter easy to such heathens as for any reason desired to become acquainted with them. It is also probable that in times of rest the Christians were not displeased to see the unconverted present at their worship, their prayers, and their discourses. If this took place in the earliest times- -as we may conclude from 1 Cor. xiv. 23-25, and James ii. 2-why should we regard it improbable at a later period? It was moreover very

a From 'Lucian and Christianity,' by Adolf Planck, Dean of Heidenheim, in Würtemburg. Translated by the Rev. Alvah Hovey, M.A., Teacher of Hebrew in Newton Theological Seminary. Our extract is from the longer article in the Bibliotheca Sacra' for July last.

easy for so shrewd a man as Lucian, under an appearance of sympathy and interest, to steal into such meetings or to sift goodnatured Christians by all sorts of questions. At least several quotations found in his works, and supposed to be from Christians, make this impression. These cannot be explained from tradition in Lucian's time, any more than with Philostratus or Celsus. To be sure, Philostratus, as the tendency of his work implied, appears to have had a far more accurate knowledge of Christianity and of the accounts of miracles in the New Testament; and if his citations do not verbally agree with the original, he had good reasons for this. Yet many quotations in Lucian remind one of similar quotations in Philostratus, and therefore we state beforehand our opinion respecting this question, that Lucian's works certainly contain allusions to Christian accounts of miracles. Yet it does not follow that he had an exact knowledge of the Holy Scriptures themselves: he had heard from the Christians single points, and, like many of his heathen contemporaries, he thought the current narratives of demons and the healing of sick persons especially worthy of notice. Further, as he esteemed the Christian belief of immortality so pitiable a notion, he has communicated something definite respecting their hopes in view of the other world, and it is possible that he was not ignorant of the Chiliastic expectations so wide spread at that time.

The series of quotations which we would now adduce, are, to be sure, of such a nature that one can always debate the point whether they may not be explained without reference to the contents of the Holy Scriptures. A surprising vacillation in respect to this question appears in the many treatises of ancient and modern time. We will simply state the facts, and leave the reader to form his own judgment; and we begin with those passages where the reference to Christian accounts appears most manifest.

In the Philopseudes of Lucian, two friends, Philocles and Tychiades, hold a conversation on the passion for the fabulous, invented and false, so prevalent among men. The conversation takes place at a sick-bed. Together with many evil things which are spoken of, their discourse in the 10th chapter turns upon the cures wrought by repeating sacred names. In chapter x. the Platonist Ion speaks of a cure which he witnessed when a boy. Midas, the servant of his father, bitten by a viper, was freed from his sufferings by the magical words of a Babylonian; and ὁ Μίδας αὐτὸς ἀράμενος τὸν σκίμποδα, ἐφ' οὗ ἐκεκόμιστο, ᾤχετο ἐς τὸν ἀγρὸν ἀπιών. This bite of a serpent has been compared with Acts xxviii. 4, where Paul in like manner is bitten by an exide; but the bed carried by Midas himself calls to mind far more clearly the narrative of the paralytic, Matt. ix., Mark ii. Lucian also represents Midas as carried,

before this cure, by his fellow-servants (ἑωρῶμεν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ σκίμποδος ὑπὸ τῶν ὁμοδούλων προσκομιζόμενον). In Mark the ὑπὸ τεσσάρων αιρόμενος is healed by the cry, ἆρον τὸν κράββατόν σου. (Comp. also John v. 8.) The Attic σκίμπους is precisely the Hellenistic κράββατος ; and since this feature of the case does not look exactly like an invention of Lucian, we think an allusion to the Christian narrative is here possible. Kühn refers very pertinently to a similar miracle, which Livy relates, ii. 36; but the carrying of the bed is just what fails in Livy. Further, in the Philopseudes a Hyperborean is mentioned who walked upon water and passed through fre with entire comfort (ἐφ' ὕδατος βαδίζοντα καὶ διὰ πυρὸς διεξι όντα). Here the resemblance to Matt. xiv. 30 (the περιπατεῖν of Peter, ἐπὶ τὰ ὕδατα) is very slight, and the attendant circumstances are entirely wanting. But what will the reader say to the following? In chap. xvi. the Platonist Ion says, 'I might well ask you what you say of those who heal demoniacs (τοὺς δαιμονιῶντας ἀπαλλάττουσι των δειμάτων). And continues: πάντες ἴσασι τὸν Σύρον, τὸν ἐκ τῆς Παλαιστίνης, τὸν ἐπὶ τούτων σοφιστήν ὅσους παραλαβὼν καταπίπτοντας πρὸς τὴν σελήνην καὶ τῷ ὀφθαλμὼ διαστρέφοντας καὶ ἀφροῦ πιμπλαμένους τὸ στόμα ὅμως ἀνίστησι καὶ ἀποπέμπει ἀρτίους, ἐπὶ μισθῷ μεγάλῳ ἀπαλλάξας τῶν δεινῶν· ἐπειδὰν γὰρ ἐπίστῃ κειμένοις καὶ ἔρηται, ὅθεν εἰσεληλύθασιν εἰς τὸ σῶμα, ὁ μὲν νοσῶν αὐτὸς σιωπᾷ, ὁ δαίμων δὲ ἀποκρίνεται ἑλληνίζων ή βαρβαρίζων, ἢ ὅθεν ἂν αὐτὸς ἦ, ὅπως τε καὶ ὅθεν ἐπῆλθεν εἰς τὸν ἄνθρωπον· ὁ δὲ ὅρκους ἐπάγων, εἰ δὲ μὴ πεισθείη, καὶ ἀπειλῶν ἐξελαύνει τὸν δαίμονα. This passage treats of a wellknown Palestinian, of lunatics, of those foaming at the mouth, of demoniacs from whom the demon speaks, and of conjurations; yet Lucian, we freely concede, speaks of the Syrian as though he were still alive (ἀποπέμπει): hence Palmer thought of a scholar of the Apostles, and appeals to the miracles which, as the apologists with Origen and Eusebius testify, took place in the second century; and since Christ and his Apostles performed their cures gratuitously (Matt. x. 8, δωρεὰν ἐλάβετε, δωρεὰν δότε), Gesner supposes we are to think of an exorcist, not a Christian. Kühn refers to Matt. xii. 27, Luke ix. 49, Acts xix. 13, viii. 9, xiii. 6, where also persons who are not Christians cast out demons. The Philopseudes is throughout aimed against the magicæ superstitiones, mainly against the Babylonian and Chaldæan, whose diffusion and practices we learn from the writers of that age (e. g. Tac. Annal. 2, 32; 12, 59. I add Juvenal, 6, 610; 3, 77). Wieland asks (i. 169) why Lucian should not have freely mentioned Christ or Christian magic, if they were in his mind? But we are not authorised to urge such questions so long as we are unacquainted with the special circumstances or design of the author in composing his work. Perhaps Lucian was conscious in this, as in the Peregrinus, of being unable to

verify properly his assertions; perhaps for other reasons he spared the Christians, who were in his opinion wrongfully persecuted and oppressed. Altogether the name had nothing to do with the thing. Lucian wishes to give in his work a full collection of miraculous cures by magic, and to ridicule them; and yet it is clear he speaks of a Palestinian known to all, though not specially named άvres ἴσασι. ao. Now the particular traits are so strikingly similar to the miracles of Jesus that there can be scarcely a doubt respecting the person of the Palestinian. The present aоTE is entirely adapted to the form of discourse. We also thus narrate similar past events in animated conversation; and Lucian may also have desired to indicate by this tense the still existing faith of Christians in these things. That he makes his Syrian ask a great sum in payment is plainly added according to the ordinary custom of such theurgists. This trait is besides of too little consequence to be urged when the principal facts agree. Lucian seems to me in the passage given above to have united several miraculous accounts of the New Testament. The conclusion reminds one of the Gergesenes, where the spirit from the demoniac actually βαρβαρίζων, says, λεγεών ová μo (Matt. v. 9). The lunatics are called σɛnиμɛvo, Matt. iv. 24, and xvii. 15. The MET 2Qpoũ, à¤pí¿ɛiv, occurs in Mark ix. 21, and Luke ix. 39. For the Tv, Matt. xvii. 18, and Luke ix. 42, have inεTiμnσe. As the discourse goes on in the Philopseudes, mention is made of healing rings, adnpov in Tüv оTavρāv πεποιημένου, and of an ἐπῳδὴ πολυώνυμος. Were these rings of iron taken from crosses, to be referred to Christians, here would be testimony of a very early use of such sacred charms; nor could it be a matter of surprise if the cross was thus employed by the lower classes of Christians. The dǹ Toλʊávuμos might be some Christian hymn, or the Lord's Prayer. This at least is so called in the Philopatris, chap. 27.

Another writing of Lucian's, the 'Veræ Historiæ,' offers more materials for the solution of our question than the Philopseudes. In two books of this work Lucian describes an adventurous journey in the tone of a trustworthy narrator, but in a style unsurpassed for its ease and humour. While the piece is intended to amuse, it is at the same time a parody on the many false descriptions of journeys current in his day, as those of Hegesias, Clitarch, Onesicritus, Megasthenes, Eudoxus, Antonius, Diogenes, and specially of Ctesias and Jambulus, who fabled so many things respecting Ethiopia, Thule, and the great ocean. Lucian states this himself in the introduction to the first book, chapter second; and adds that he might have adduced the writers who were parodied, but the reader would be able to guess who were meant. He refers also to Homer, the greatest of all liars (fablers). Now a reference to