forward, would be timely and happily avoided. "But to this proposal objections were started, that appeared of sufficient weight to induce the adop"tion of another plan. I consented not to bring "the question forward on the part of government, "but rather to keep it back until a period of more "general tranquillity, when so many material ob

jects might not press upon the government; but "as the principle was agreed on, and the necessity "of its being brought into full effect was univer"sally allowed, it was at the same time resolved,

that, if the catholics should appear determined "to stir the business, and bring it before parliament, I was to give it a handsome support on "the part of government."

On the 2d of January 1785, lord Fitzwilliam landed in Dublin, and found that a determination to bring forward the business of their emancipation had been taken by the catholics. Seeing, therefore, that the question would immediately force itself upon the notice of parliament, his lordship, on the third day after his arrival in Ireland, intimated, by letter to the British government, "that "not to grant cheerfully on their part, all the "catholics wished for, would not only be exceed

ingly impolitic, but perhaps dangerous; that, "in doing this, no time was to be lost; that the "business would presently be at hand; and, that "if he received no very peremptory directions to "the contrary, he would acquiesce to the wishes "of the catholics."

Parliament met on the 22d day of January, and

on the 12th of February, "no peremptory direc"tions to the contrary having arrived," though more than a month had elapsed after lord Fitzwilliam had apprised government of his intentions, Mr. Grattan, with the consent of lord Fitzwilliam, moved for leave to bring in a bill for the further relief of the catholics.

On the 7th of the following February, the measure was discussed in the cabinet. On the next day, the duke of Portland wrote to his lordship, to "caution him against committing himself by en

gagement, or even by encouraging language, to 'give any countenance to the immediate adoption "of the measure." His lordship, having refused to co-operate in the tergiversating measure thus recommended, was immediately recalled. He was succeeded by lord Camden, and told by lord Westmoreland in the house of lords, that "no authority "had been given him by ministers in this country "for taking the steps he had done on the catholic "question." To this assertion of lord Westmoreland, lord Fitzwilliam gave a peremptory denial; and to this denial no reply was given.

LXXXIV. 3.

Rebellion in 1798.

A SUCCINCT mention of a few undisputed facts will completely vindicate the body of Irish catholics from the charge of participating in this atro

cious crime.

1. It originated in the societies of united Irishmen, and all these were protestants*.

2. In 1796, great numbers in the province of Ulster enrolled themselves in this society: this province is almost entirely protestant; they were joined by few catholics, except some of the lowest order in Dublin, and the counties of Westmeath and Kildare.

3. "In May 1797, 100,000 protestants," says Sir Henry Parnel, "were completely organized rebellion."

"for open

4. The catholic provinces of Munster and Connaught, which had resisted with eminent loyalty the attempt of Hôche, in December 1796, generally preserved their integrity, till some emissaries from the north seduced numbers from their allegiance.

5. Among the men of influence and property, who were engaged in the rebellion, three catholics cannot be mentioned.

6. Of the five men, who composed the directory of the united Irish, one only was a catholic.

7. Of the twenty-four leaders of the rebellion in 1798, who were banished to Fort St. George, twelve were protestants of the church of England, eight were protestant dissenters, and four only were catholics.

8. Catholic emancipation was neither the object of the united Irishmen, nor the object of the rebellion in 1798: a total separation from England was the object of both.

Sir Henry Parnel's History, p. 145.

9. Truly then did Mr. Pitt, in the house of commons, in the debate on the catholic petition, in the year 1796*, say, "I do not consider the "late rebellion in Ireland to have been a catholic "rebellion."

This, to apply to it an expression of Mr. Burke, in his Speech to the Electors of Bristol, was "nobly frowning a wicked opinion out of doors."

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LXXXIV. 4.

Prospect of Emancipation held out to the Irish Catholics at the time of the Union.

THAT a prospect of emancipation was held out to the Irish catholics, to induce them to support the measure of the union, seems to be undeniable.

1. When Mr. Pitt proposed the articles of union to the house of commons, he thus expressed himself,-" No man can say that, in the present state "of things, and while Ireland remains a separate

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kingdom, full concessions can be made to the "catholics, without endangering the state, and "shaking the constitution to the centre." Is not this saying, that after the union should have taken place, full concessions to Ireland might be made without danger? Would not the catholics necessarily understand that these concessions would then be made?

2. Such was the language of the minister who proposed the union.-What is the language of the act of the union?" That every one of the lords

• Debates, published by Cuthell and Martin, p. 126.

"and commons of the parliament of the united kingdom, and every member of the united king

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dom, in the first and every succeeding parliament, "shall, until the parliament of the united kingdom "otherwise provide, take the oaths now provided to "be taken."-Is not this an explicit intimation that a change of oaths, after the union, in favour of the catholics, was then contemplated; that a sure and certain hope of it was held out to them?

3. How did Mr. Pitt himself understand the terms of the concessions?-Let this be answered in his own words. When he explained the cause and motives of his memorable resignation, he thus expressed himself:-"I and some of my colleagues "in office, did feel it an incumbent duty upon us to propose a measure on the part of the government, which, under the circumstances of the union, so 'happily effected between the two countries, we thought of great public importance, and neces

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sary to complete the benefits likely to result from "the measure. We felt this opinion so strongly, "that, when we met with circumstances, which "rendered it impossible for us to propose it as a "measure of government, we felt it equally incon"sistent with our duty and our honour any longer "to remain a part of government. What may be "the opinion of others I know not; but I beg to have "it understood to be a measure, which, if I had re"mained in government, I must have proposed.".

Does not Mr. Pitt unequivocally avow in these words, that he was bound in honour to propose the emancipation of the catholics..