CHAPTER III

THE CONSTITUTIONAL PERIOD, 1775-1807

The immediate descendants of the American pioneers inherited with the land many prejudices, both social and political. The liberal movement which, in England, culminated in limitation of the powers of the Crown and extension of the franchise, had its proponents in the Colonies. Since time immemorial, however, the practice in the Mother Country had been to withhold the privilege of voting from all except a chosen few. Moreover, the landed gentry took care that the property specifications were sufficiently large to exclude most undesirables.

Much the same condition prevailed in America and bade fair to continue after the Revolution. The masses of the American people favored extension of the franchise; yet the men charged with drawing up some workable form of government were, for most part, conservatives. They were, nevertheless, to a man imbued with a kind of fervor for what the eighteenth century vaguely called "rights" of the individual. There was something in the air of America which tempered old-world prejudices.

The union of conflicting radical and conservative elements is most noticeable in the life and works of John Adams. By social standing and education, he was an aristocrat. Yet during the earlier part of his life, Adams had been one of the most outspoken advocates of the radical movement. As time went on, however, he became increasingly conservative. Today, his name is associated with the aristocratic theory of government. He came to doubt that "all men are created equal;" hence, democratic government could not endure. He had little confidence in the ability of the common people to administer the government successfully, or even to choose their rulers advisedly.

At the beginning of the Revolutionary period Adams, despite his lack of faith in the masses, believed in the equality of the sexes. One has only to read his letters, which constitute no inconsiderable contribution to the literature of the Revolution, to be convinced of his liberality in this respect. The cycle of correspondence with James and Mercy (Otis) Warren is most noteworthy. Perhaps Adams's contact with one of the most intellec

tual women of her times had much to do with his views on equality.

Mercy Otis Warren,1 living and writing during the period. of the American Revolution, was looked upon as "one of the bright stars" of the age. A descendant of one of the old New England families and sister of the orator, James Otis, she had, all her life, mingled with the most cultured people of the colonies. She was an accomplished poet, playwright, and historian. In 1754, she married James Warren,2 of Plymouth, Massachusetts, who was soon to become an ardent patriot. During the Revolution, the Warrens held open house for the "rebels;" hither came most of the men whose names have since become famous, to arrange for assemblies and plan campaigns. Among these were numbered Jefferson, Knox, Washington, and John Adams. Notwithstanding her sex, Mrs. Warren's advice on political matters was asked more frequently than that of her husband.

John Adams epitomized the general feeling toward Mercy Warren when, in January 3, 1774, he wrote:

I have a feeling of inferiority whenever I approach or address you. I feel that your attainments dwarf those of most men.

On one occasion Mrs. Warren plainly showed that she was offended at a supposed slight put upon the understanding of her sex by Adams. She had previously written, asking him for news of the deliberations of the Assembly then sitting at Philadelphia: she had "desired to learn what provisions for war were then in forward state of preparation." Adams, seeking doubtless to allay any fears which she may have had, wrote a soothing letter giving an account of the new arrivals in the city, and other matters which "he deemed more suited to the ears of ladies."

Mery Otis Warren, born at Barnstable, Mass., Sept. 25, 1728, the daughter of James Otis, the elder. Her published works include two plays, The Adulator (1773), and The Group (1775), the latter being a satire on the royalists. Other works are Poems and Speculations, (1790), and The History of the Rise and Termination of the American Revolution, (1805). She died at Plymouth, October 19, 1814.

James Warren (1726-1808) was a descendant of the Warrens of Mayflower fame. He became president of the Continental Assembly in 1775. Adams and Warren Letters, page 21 (Published by the Massachusetts Historical Association.)

Mrs. Warren resented the implication "that her ears were not attuned to strife," and replied somewhat tartly that henceforth she would meddle with feminine concerns only. Obviously, Adams was somewhat alarmed; he wrote immediately to James Warren, enclosing an apology that was without doubt sincere, and, to the feminist, enlightening:

Philadelphia, Septr. 26, 1775.

Dear Sir, This afternoon and not before I received a line from the excellent Marcia, which (is) the first and only letter I have received from the Family to which she belongs since I left Watertown. Be pleased to thank her for this Favor and to let her know that she certainly misinterpreted some passages in my letter, since I never thought either Politics or War, or any other Art or Science beyond the line of her Sex: on the contrary, I have ever been convinced that Politics and War, have in every Age been influenced, and in many, guided and controuled [sic] by her sex. But if I were of opinion that it was best for a general rule that the fair should be excused from the arduous cares of War and State, I should certainly think that Marcia and Portia, ought to be Exceptions, because I have ever ascribed to those ladies, a share and no small one, neither, [sic] in the conduct of our American affairs.5

On January 8, 1776, Adams addressed a friendly communication to Mrs. Warren, which has since been described as the inception of his enmity towards popular government. The colonies had not yet declared their independence of England; nevertheless, the air was charged with excitement and anticipation of the event, which all serious-minded patriots knew must come. Adams, Warren, and the colonial commissioners were plagued with the perplexing necessity of having in readiness, in event of separation, some workable form of government. Hundreds of suggestions were being made and a multiplicity of elaborate schemes worked out. Adams, harassed and perplexed, wrote to Mrs. Warren:

'Mrs. Warren and Mrs. Adams were addressed as Marcia and Portia in private correspondence.

Op. cit., page 115.

Pray, Madam, are you for an American Monarchy or a Republic? Monarchy is the genteelist and most fashionable government-and I don't know why the Ladies ought not to consult Elegance and Fashion in governments as Gowns, Bureaus, or Chariots.

The letter continued with an arraignment of the republican form of government. He admitted that Monarchy had its limitations, that it readily degenerated into mere despotic tyranny. Yet it constitutes a reliable government. On the other hand, rule by the people is ideal, but not practicable, at least not in America. He summed up his arguments in the memorable state

ment:

There is not enough public virtue in America to support a Republic. If the qualified few might conduct the affairs of government, with the masses as a basis of the Commonwealth, the position would be tenable."

Yet the author of the foregoing letter could, only three months later, write expressing his implicit faith in woman's ability in politics. He implied that the inequalities which he had noted had nothing to do with sex, but everything with condition in life. He maintained that in his dealings with men, he invariably found that they were swayed by selfish motives. Ambition, avarice, venality were their besetting sins. His acquaintance with women, however, had not shattered any preconceived illusions.

The ladies are, I think, the greatest Politicians, that I have had the honor to be acquainted with, not only because they act upon the sublimest of all the Principles of Policy, viz., that Honesty is the best Policy, but because they consider Questions more coolly than those who are heated with Party zeal, and inflamed with the bitter contentions of active public life.

Careful consideration of this missive will convince the reader that while Adams believed in no mental or moral inferiority of woman, he was not prepared to "go the whole way" to suffrage. He would have woman educated, refined, intellectual,

Op. cit., page 201.

'Ibid.

"Op. cit., page 221.

and well-informed, but apparently, he would save her from "the bitter contentions of active public life." Moreover, he was convinced that her judgment on questions of public weal would be sound and impartial because of her cloistered situation. It must be borne in mind, nevertheless, that Adams was writing in 1776, at a time when his theory must have been regarded as revolutionary.

Perhaps one way of accounting for John Adams's liberality was the influence of his wife, Abigail, the "Portia" of Mrs. Warren's letters. Mrs. Adams, the daughter of an influential clergyman, had, owing to her father's and her own efforts, received an excellent education. She was particularly interested in literature and letter-writing. She became the witty, vivacious correspondent of many Revolutionary statesmen. How or when her interest in the legal status of woman began, it is hard to say. Possibly her wide range of reading had embraced some of the current philosophy of Rousseau or that of Locke, or even Plato. Be that as it may, Mrs. Adams made, on April 10, a historic demand for representation of her sex, which is probably the first of its kind. in America. To her husband she wrote:

I long to hear that you have declared an independency, and, by the way, in the new code of laws which I suppose it will be necessary for you to make, I desire you would remember the ladies and be more generous and favorable to them than were your ancestors. Do not put such unlimited power into the hands of husbands. Remember all men would be tyrants if they could. If particular care and attention are not paid to the ladies we are determined to foment a rebellion, and will not hold ourselves bound to obey any laws in which we have no voice or representation."

Obviously, John Adams, worried by a multitude of state cares, replied hastily and impatiently several days later. On April 27, Mrs. Adams, in a letter to Mrs. Warren, summarized her epistle to her husband and solicited aid from her friend. She felt that her confidence in the liberal tenets of her "lord" had been misplaced. She writes:

I think I will get you to join me in a petition to Congress. I thought it probable that our wise Statesmen would erect a new government and form a new code of laws. I ventured to speak a

Familiar Letters of John Adams, page 170.