NATO Enlargement: Illusions and Reality

Cover
Ted Galen Carpenter, Barbara Conry
Cato Institute, 1998 - 283 Seiten
The decision to expand NATO eastward is a fateful venture that has received surprisingly little public attention. Advocates of enlargement insist that the step will foster cooperation, consolidate democracy, and promote stability throughout Europe. But the contributors to this volume conclude that an expanded NATO is a dubious, potentially disastrous idea. Instead of healing the wounds of the Cold War, it threatens to create a new division of Europe and undermine friendly relations with Russia. Even worse, it will establish expensive, dangerous, and probably unsustainable security obligations for the United States.

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Inhalt

Introduction
1
1 Strategic Evasions and the Drive for NATO Enlargement
17
2 NATOs Incredible Shrinking Defense
31
The Triumph of Policy Incoherence
41
4 Why Die for Gdansk? NATO Enlargement and American Security Interests
53
5 NATO Enlargement and the Inevitable Costs of the American Empire
71
Potential Conflicts Involving the Czech Republic Hungary and Poland
85
7 The Perils of Victory
103
12 A Strategy to Unite Rather Than Divide Europe
177
13 The Errors of Expansive Realism
187
To What End?
199
15 Europes Unhealthy Security Dependence
209
16 A Strong OSCE for a Secure Europe
223
17 Political Alternatives to NATO Expansion
233
18 Beyond NATO
243
The Debate over Collective Security
253

Coping with Act II
121
9 Russias Search for Identity
129
An Illusory Solution
143
The Risks of Expansion
159
Contributors
267
Index
273
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Seite 259 - The great and radical vice in the construction of the existing Confederation is in the principle of LEGISLATION for STATES or GOVERNMENTS, in their CORPORATE or COLLECTIVE CAPACITIES, and as contradistinguished from the INDIVIDUALS of whom they consist.
Seite 260 - A majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations, and always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people.
Seite 189 - Who rules East Europe commands the Heartland: Who rules the Heartland commands the World-Island: Who rules the World-Island commands the World.
Seite 86 - I hope you will understand that your NATO allies have not had a chance to consider whether they have an obligation to protect Turkey against the Soviet Union if Turkey takes a step which results in Soviet intervention without the full consent and understanding of its NATO Allies.
Seite 37 - NATO reiterate that they have no intention, no plan and no reason to deploy nuclear weapons on the territory of new members, nor any need to change any aspect of NATO's nuclear posture or nuclear policy — and do not foresee any future need to do so. This subsumes the fact that NATO has decided that it has no intention, no plan, and no reason...
Seite 234 - Russian forces and nuclear weapons from newly independent states; negotiation and adaptation of the Conventional Forces in Europe Treaty; and the evolution and strengthening of European security and economic institutions, including the European Union, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the Council of Europe and the Western European Union.
Seite 183 - policeman," by assuming responsibility for righting every wrong, we will retain the pre-eminent responsibility for addressing selectively those wrongs which threaten not only our interests, but those of our allies or friends, or which could seriously unsettle international relations.
Seite 187 - All mapmakers should place the Mississippi in the same location, and avoid originality. It may be boring, but one has to know where he is.
Seite 130 - We were perfectly aware that a possible warlike attitude of Austria-Hungary against Serbia might bring Russia upon the field, and that it might therefore involve us in a war, in accordance with our duty as allies.
Seite 143 - Founding Act on Mutual Relations, Co-operation and Security between NATO and the Russian Federation was signed, which provided Russia with equal status with the Alliance in peacekeeping operations and enhanced its consultative rights.

Über den Autor (1998)

Ted Galen Carpenter is vice president for defense and foreign policy studies at the Cato Institute.

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