dozen or more teachers besides. This means plenty more. 'Sophista' was a name commonly given to the rhetoricians and grammarians of this time, as it had been originally to all who were masters of their art, and particularly to the rhetorical and other teachers who gained so much ascendancy over the younger Athenians in the fifth century B. C. The derivation of the word (from ropola, to practise copia) is enough to show that its original sense was good. Herodotus applies it to Solon (i. 29) and to Pythagoras (iv. 95). Zopiorng came to be used in a bad sense through the abuse of science by the later professors, who were despised for taking money from their scholars. It then was used to mean not only a professor but a trader in wisdom, and from that a mere pretender: ἐστὶ γὰρ ἡ σοφιστικὴ φαινομένη σοφία οὖσα δ ̓ οὔ, καὶ ὁ σοφιστής χρηματιστής ἀπὸ φαινομένης σοφίας ἀλλ ̓ οὐκ οὔσης (Aristot. Soph. Elench. 2). From this Cicero took his definition (Oec. Quaest. ii. 23): "Quis est hic? num Sophistes? sic enim appellantur ii qui ostentationis aut quaestus causa philosophantur." And yet he calls Theophrastus, Aristotle, Xenophon, and Plato sophistae' (Orat. 19). The men Juvenal refers to would be classed with the man Gellius speaks of (xvii. 5): "rhetoricus quidam sophista utriusque linguae callens, haud sane ignobilis ex illis acutulis et minutis doctoribus qui rexvikoi appellantur, atque in disserendo tamen non impiger." 'Antisophistae' was a word used for disputants in the rhetorical schools. See Suet. vit. Tib. c. 11: "moto inter antiso phistas graviore jurgio." Also de Ill. Gram. c. 9, where he says Orbilius, Horace's fiery schoolmaster, was "naturae acerbae in antisophistas."

168. Et veras agitant lites,] He means they give up teaching and go and practise in the courts. He expresses this by saying they leave behind them ravishers and poisonings and bad husbands and drugs to cure blind old men. The history of Medea

170

furnished topics for discussion and declamation here the bad husband may be Jason, and the blind old man Pelias, for whose story see Ovid, Met. vii. 297, sqq. Heinrich follows Britannicus, Grangaeus, and other old commentators in supposing these to be controversiae scholasticae,' causae fictae,' fictitious legal cases such as are found in the Declamations attributed to Quintilian. Venenum effusum' is the theme of Declam. xvii. I incline to take it the other way, as Ruperti does. As to veteres caecos see S. viii. 49, n.

171. Ergo sibi dabit ipse rudem] As to rudem' see vi. 113. Horace has the same way of speaking, Epp. i. 1. 2:

Spectatum satis et donatum jam rude quaeris,

Maecenas, iterum antiquo me includere ludo,"

where it is explained that rudis was a wooden sword or cudgel with which a gladiator was presented when he got his discharge. He says the rhetoricians leave their schools and betake themselves to the courts that they may make a trifle, which is the most they will get. But he advises them to change their line altogether, and follow some other. 'Pugnam' is the same as 'veras lites' above (168). Umbra' is here a school. Horace uses it for a barber's shop ("vacua tonsoris in umbra," Epp. i. 7. 50), and it is used for other private dwellings. (See Forcellini.) Ruperti (on v. 8) says it is "a vita obscura et scholastics quae formae et celebritatis expers est," which is quite wrong. Heinrich thinks 'descendit ' should be descendat,' and that the sense is 'ita ut descendat;' as below (178) ‘in qua gestetur dominus' means that the master may have a place to ride in. The cases are not the same, and I do not think Heinrich is right.

174. vilis tessera] Tesserae frumentariae' were tickets given to the poor on the public account, in exchange for which they got a small quantity of corn. This

gratuitous distribution was called 'frumentatio.' In the time of Augustus it was given monthly, and was a thing expected (Suet. vit. Aug. 40). It was an easy way of securing the lower sort of people. The quantity was not much, and the value of the 'tessera,' if a man sold it, as he might, was small. Ruperti takes vilis' with 'frumenti.' It belongs to tessera.'

176. Chrysogonus quanti] Chrysogonus and Pollio were music masters. They were mentioned in the last satire (74 and 387). Theodorus was a rhetorician. Ruperti's note is a jumble of explanations after his fashion. He gives the true meaning, and then says "quidam putant something else; and finishes with "sed verum forte h. 1. sensum cepit Ach. cujus nota est:" and Achaintre's note, which he says is "forte vera," gives an obscene turn to the sense, quite foreign to Juvenal's meaning and to Ruperti's own view of it. 'Scindens' is here but no where else used in the sense of cutting up, as we sometimes say. Proscindere' is used in that sense. (See Forcell.) He tells them to go and see what sums of money these music masters charge the boys of the rich, while they laugh at Theodorus' trade. Jahn has changed the MSS. reading 'scindens' into 'scindes:' which Mr. Mayor explains thus: "Make but a trial of the gains of music masters, and you will tear up your elements of rhetoric." I do not think that is the meaning of 'artem' here or in vi. 452, "volvitque Palaemonis artem."

175

180

185

then get their horses splashed all over with mud? Heinrich thinks v. 181 is a piece of late patchwork. It does not increase the strength of the satire. The verse before says enough.

182. Parte alia longis] His baths here, his drives there, his dining room elsewhere with tall pillars of yellow marble from Numidia. See note on Hor. C. ii. 18. 3: "Non trabes Hymettiae Premunt columnas ultima recisas Africa." It is so constructed as to catch the winter's sun. But whatever the house costs, the establishment will be in proportion. The person referred to in V. 184 is the 'structor' mentioned S. v. 120, where see note. Pulmentaria' are savoury dishes, or sauces (see note on Horace, Epp. i. 18. 48), and the reading which Lachmann has invented and Jahn adopted, condiat,' is quite out of place. 'Condat' is here to make up. The reading of most MSS. is 'condit,' and some have componit' to correspond. But the subjunctive is wanted. There will be a man to arrange the courses, and make up the savoury messes. In the spurious oration of Cicero, Post Reditum, &c., c. 6, there is "hi sunt conditores," which is from 'condire.'

186. Quintiliano] See above, vi. 75. 280. Two sestertia would be about seventeen guineas, a small sum for the whole course, and that to the first rhetorician of the age; but he says it is a large sum compared with what is usual. Quintilian was rich, it seems, among poor men, and poor among the rich. When his daughter was going to be married, Pliny the Younger sent him a present of 50,000 sestertii (between 4001. and 5007.) as a small contribution towards her outfit. He says (Epp. vi. 32), "te porro animo beatis

178. Balnea sexcentis] These rich teachers build themselves baths for an enormous sum, 600,000 sestertii (about 50001. sterling), and covered drives for still more (see iv. 5, n.). Here they drive in wet weather. Are they to wait till it is fine, and

simum modicum facultatibus scio, itaque partem oneris tui mihi vindico," and that he would have sent more, but that he could only hope to induce the declaimer to accept any thing by the smallness of his offering, "nisi sola a mediocritate munusculi impetrare posse confiderem ne recusares." The man to whom this could be said must be a rich man, though Pliny was much richer. By saltus' are meant pasture lands in the forests on the hills (Cic. Orat. pro Quintio, c. 6, Long's note). That Quintilian had many of these may be an exaggeration. Pliny the Younger was Quintilian's pupil, and so were many of the leading men in politics and literature. He also taught the two grand-nephews of Domitian (Inst. 1. iv. prooem.), who invested him with the title of consul, though he never bore the office. This is what Juvenal means below, v. 197: "Si Fortuna volet fies de rhetore Consul." Though he respected Quintilian (see above, 1. c.) he rather sneers at him here as a lucky man, Fortunae filius,' an example 'novorum fatorum,' of strange destinies, and when a man is lucky he is every thing that is fair and great, like the Stoics' sage, "Si dives qui sapiens est Et sutor bonus et solus formosus et est rex " (Hor. S. i. 3. 124). Quintilian, it appears, received a pension of 100,000 sesterces (between 8001. and 9001.) out of the emperor's treasury. Suetonius says that Vespasian was the first who gave an allowance to rhetoricians, and that the above was the amount: "Primus e fisco Latinis Graecisque rhetoribus annua centena constituit " (Vesp. c. 17).

192. lunam subtexit alutae:] Aluta' is a shoe, and luna' was some sort of ornament of crescent shape sewn on to it to distinguish the wearer as a senator. See

note on Hor. S. i. 6. 27: "nigris medium impediit crus Pellibus."

194. Et si perfrixit, cantat bene.] And though he has got a cold he recites well. Though he is hoarse people will say his voice is very fine. Jaculator' is explained on vi. 449. Ruperti says if the man is hoarse he will be commended, "forte ob vocem muliebrem quae asperior facta auribus gratior est," "perhaps because he has a woman's voice, which becomes rougher and so more pleasing to the ear" by means of his cold!

197. Si Fortuna volet] So he speaks elsewhere of men whom

" ex humili magna ad fastigia rerum Extollit quoties voluit Fortuna jocari.” (iii. 39.)

199. Ventidius quid enim? quid Tullius?] What were Ventidius and Tullius? were they any thing but the creatures of their star and the wonderful power of a secret destiny? were they any thing but what their star and some hidden destiny made them? P. Ventidius Bassus was a native of Picenum, and in the Social War, being at the time a child in arms, he was carried captive with his mother to Rome, and appeared in the triumphal procession of Pompeius Strabo, B.C. 89. When he grew up he gained his livelihood by letting out mules and carriages. He became acquainted with Julius Caesar, who took him into Gaul and employed him for the remainder of his career in important offices. He rose to be tribunus plebis, then praetor, then pontifex, and lastly consul, B. c. 43. The people were indignant at his rise, and A. Gellius, who gives the above particulars of his life (Noct. Att. xv. 4), has preserved

200

205

Nam mulos qui fricabat consul factus est." Ventidius greatly distinguished himself as the 'legatus' of M. Antonius against the Parthians, and defeated and slew their most redoubtable leaders Labienus and Pacorus, B.C. 39.38. (See Horace, C. iii. 6. 9, n.) Ventidius had a triumph B. c. 38, 51 years after he had himself followed in Pompeius' procession as a prisoner (Dion Cass. 43. 51, and Dict. Biog.). By Tullius he means the king Servius Tullius, whose mother Ocrisia, according to the popular history, was a prisoner of war and a slave. To him the following words Servis regna dabunt' refer, and 'captivis fata triumphos' to Ventidius. See viii. 259: "Ancilla natus trabeam et diadema Quirini."

202. corvo quoque rarior albo.] See note on vi. 165: "nigroque simillima cygno." He says, though Fortune does play these tricks sometimes, still Quintilian must be looked upon as a lucky man, and one of a small number.

203. Poenituit multos] Many have got tired of the vain and profitless chair, that is, the professor's chair. He instances Thrasymachus and Secundus Carinas. The first was one of the sophists who came to Athens about the middle of the fifth century

B. C.

He taught rhetoric in particular, and had a high reputation. He was a native of Chalcedon. His end, which Juvenal alludes to, is not known on any other authority than that of the Scholiast on this place, who says he hanged himself. The cause is not stated. Secundus Carinas (or Carrinas) was a rhetorician of whom Dion Cassius (59.20) says that Caligula sent him into exile, because he declaimed in his school against tyrants, which he gives as an instance of the malignant and suspicious temper of that tyrant. If the student follows Ruperti's

went to Athens, but he does not, nor does Juvenal. Hunc' means Socrates, the person obviously alluded to in the following line. His poverty was proverbial. The demonstrative pronoun, where the context makes the meaning plain, has more force than the name, and Socrates' name was not convenient. We might have expected 'illum' instead of hunc,' or after hunc' a clause with the relative; and accordingly Heinrich thinks a verse is lost after 205. This is not unlikely; but there is no doubt whom Juvenal means. Ruperti takes 'hunc' for Carinas, and Mr. Mayor for some one later than him, "who when banished retired to Athens, and there, as no one would venture to employ him, put an end to his life by taking poison." Juvenal speaks of Socrates again as

"senex vicinus Hymetto Qui partem acceptae saeva inter vincla cicutae

Accusatori nollet dare." (S. xiii. 185.)

207. Di majorum umbris] He prays the gods that the earth may lie light on the ashes of the men of old, and flowers bloom in perpetual spring over their tombs, because they looked upon the teacher as holding the place of a father to his pupils, and paid him reverence accordingly. He contrasts the respect Achilles showed to his tutor, Chiron the Centaur, with the treatment of modern teachers of rhetoric by their pupils ; and yet he says there might have been some excuse even in those days for laughing at the old music master with his horse's tail hanging behind him. According to Homer Chiron taught Achilles medicine. Other traditions add music and other accomplishments. Juvenal says he remained in subjection to his teacher till he was come to man's stature. One tradition makes out that he was taken to Troy at nine years of age, which is absurd. Chiron lived on Mount Pelion in Thessaly. Ovid has these lines on Achilles and his teacher: