times scarcely afford an instance of a session, in which the opposition to Government-that only excepted which was offered to the Catholic Bill by the zealous Protestant party-has been so completely suspended. But, notwithstanding that all general and organized opposition to the Ministers was stilled by this long-wished-for boon, many discussions arose of public interest, in which Mr. Huskisson took a prominent part, and displayed his profound knowledge and liberal views. When the state of the Silk Trade was once more brought under the consideration of Parliament by Mr. Fyler, the Member for Coventry, Mr. Huskisson came forward to maintain and defend those principles of trade, which he had so long advocated, and declared that experience only confirmed him in the conviction, that a gradual relaxation of the restrictive system was invariably followed by a gradual improvement in manufactures, commerce, and revenue. Mr. Baring having alluded to the vituperation, the endless obloquy and calumny, which had been heaped upon him, as the organ of the Government by which the changes in our commercial system had been effected, Mr. Huskisson avowed, that all this he had foreseen and been prepared to encounter, at the time when he felt it his duty to recommend those alterations; but he had also received his reward. In defending the principles, and exposing the advantages, of the new system, he more particularly called the attention of the House" to the fact, unprece

Perhaps there

dented in our history, that for fifteen years this country had enjoyed a commercial peace with the world, that, for the first time, during so many years, Parliament had not been called upon by the Crown to protect, with a naval and military force, some colonial or commercial right, or to resist some commercial outrage.' will nowhere be found, in the numerous speeches of Mr. Huskisson, a passage more exquisite than the peroration of this one presents. Its effect was conclusive, and the Silk Question, that fertile source of debate for the last four sessions, now received its quietus.

Before finally dismissing the Silk Question, we will just mention two circumstances which occurred in the spring of 1830, as confirmatory of the wisdom which had framed, and the success which had crowned, the changes made in the laws regulating this branch of our national industry. The one was a letter from an officer of the port of Bristol to Mr. Huskisson, mentioning an exportation of manufactured silk from that place-a thing

• This remark will be found repeated by Mr. Huskisson on several occasions. It was one on which he felt particular satisfaction in dwelling; and his conviction in the wisdom of his system was strengthened by the consideration, that three-fourths of the wars which have desolated Europe for the last two centuries, had had their origin in the irritation caused by commercial prohibition, and that if there were any human invention by which a state of universal and perpetual peace could be secured, the secret of it would be found in a free trade, the application of which might bind nations together by the strongest and most indissoluble ties of which mankind is susceptible -those of common interest and reciprocal advantage.

unprecedented; the other, an intimation, which was conveyed to him from undoubted authority, that the principal manufacturers of Macclesfield admitted him to have been perfectly right in the measures which he had brought forward,—that they had been in error in opposing them, and that their trade was in the most flourishing condition. : When we look to what has recently passed-to what is still passing--and view the rapid strides which the question of Parliamentary Reform has made within the last two years, it is impossible not to admire the clearness of foresight which enabled Mr. Huskisson, in this session, to predict the consequences which must ensue from the line of policy so obstinately persevered in by Government, in respect to the disfranchisement of East Retford. Satisfied that, from the undisguised support given by the Minister to the amendment, which went to throw the representation into the Hundred of Bassetlaw, that amendment must be successful, he expressed his feelings of the danger of such conduct in these forcible terms:—“ I shall regret this success, because I cannot help thinking, that it will be at variance with the sentiments generally entertained by the sound and intelligent part of the community :I shall regret this success, because I am convinced that it will increase, in the public mind, the feeling which already exists in favour of Parliamentary Reform:-I shall regret this success, because I feel that it will ensure the adoption of

a course, which must pave the way for a measure so fatal in its consequences as a general Parliamentary Reform." He warned the House, that if this amendment were carried, they would see Parliamentary Reform, backed by public opinion and the influence of the press, made an annual question of discussion. Before he sat down he noticed the charges brought against him, of being addicted to theories and dangerous innovations. Such charges he denied, and dared the authors of them to meet him upon the proof. He called upon those who talked of the dangers of innovation to remember, with Lord Bacon, that "Time was the great Innovator," and that it was the business of a Statesman to move onwards with the new combinations which had grown around him. Such were Mr. Huskisson's feelings, as declared in this masterly and constitutional Speech, which will now be read with increased interest, from the manner in which its predictions have since been fulfilled. It is necessary to dwell upon Mr. Huskisson's language and reasoning on this important question, and to watch with what cautious, prudent, and steady steps he advanced towards it; and as he may be supposed, in a great measure, to have represented Mr, Canning's opinions, and to have guided himself by what he considered would have been his course in the new combinations which had arisen, this contemplation receives an additional interest.

In all the discussions which arose with respect

to the future arrangements to be made on the renewal of the East-India Company's Charter, Mr. Huskisson took a warm interest, both as member for Liverpool, and in reference to the great public commercial interests involved in it. But he did not confine his views to the narrow limits of commercial considerations. His enlightened mind embraced topics of infinitely higher importance, topics which involved the tranquillity and happiness of millions of subjects, who looked to this country for protection,—the improvement in civilization, the increase of comforts, and the exaltation of the moral character of the natives of India. All these formed cogent reasons for a full, fair, and deliberate inquiry into the condition of that vast Empire, and into the manner in which its Government was conducted, and its intercourse with this country managed. Upon an understanding, however, that the Government itself would move for the appointment of a Committee to investigate the whole question in the following session, he acquiesced in the delay of a year. At the same time, he frankly declared, that his impressions were strongly in favour of further relaxations, and pointed to Sincapore as a glorious instance of the immense advantages derivable from free trade. With respect to China, he used this forcible expression:

"Seize the advantages which present themselves to your grasp, even now, while you yet may;" and added, as his opinion, "that the