Holland, for want of payment of interest and principal as they become due, must be left to every American citizen seriously to consider. With great esteem and regard, &c. 62. John Adams to John Jay. JOHN ADAMS. Thinks there will be no Commercial Treaty until England is made to feel its necessity. Arguments of the English in defence of their system. How met by the Americans. Bath Hotel, Westminster, June 26, 1785. Dear Sir, Although I have been received here, and continue to be treated with all the distinction which is due to the rank and title you have given me, there is, nevertheless, a reserve which convinces me, that we shall have no treaty of commerce until this nation is made to feel the necessity of it. I am every day astonished at the ignorance of all ranks of people of the relation between this country and ours, cui bono they cry. To what end a treaty of commerce, when we are sure of as much American trade as we have occasion for, without it; the experiment has been tried, and the Americans have found that they cannot supply themselves elsewhere; there must be quid pro quo, and what have the United States to give in exchange for the liberty of going in their own ships to our sugar colonies, and our colonies upon the continent? These smart reasoners are answered, the Americans allow Britons to come in their own vessels to all their ports in the United States, and this is more than a quid for your quo. This is the true reciprocity, and while we allow you this liberty, we have a right to demand it in return. But, replies the Briton, you cannot avoid this, you have no government, you cannot agree to prohibit our ships and goods and goods, or to lay duties on them; then, says the American, you give up the argument of reciprocity, you confess that you are not willing to allow us a quid for your quo, are disposed to take advantage of our supposed disunion, to get unequal benefits from us; but you will find yourselves disappointed in this disunion that you build so much upon, nothing but too much good nature to you, and too high an opinion of your wisdom, has prevented the States, hitherto, from uniting in a reciprocal discouragement of your ships and goods, but when the Americans find themselves deceived, you will soon see them too much united for your purposes. Such have been the dialogues in conversation for a year or two, and these ignorant sophisms of the Britons will never be confuted to any effect, until vigorous measures are taken by all the States in concert. Whatever measures are taken, I should recommend them to be taken upon this express proviso, to continue in force only until things shall be otherwise settled by a treaty of commerce. With great esteem, &c. JOHN ADAMS. 63. John Adams to John Jay. Management of the Public Press.-American Commerce. Grosvenor Square, Westminster, August 31, 1785. Sir, It is the practice of Ministers here, when they have in contemplation a project of whose utility, practicability, necessity, expediency, or popularity, they are doubtful, to set some writer to compose a pamphlet, or a number of writers to compose a paragraphs in the newspapers. The pamphlets and paragraphs are read in the coffee houses,&c.other places where the politicians assemble, by the ministerial runners who take down the observations they hear, and report them to the Ministers. This method has been tried concerning the projected admission of American ships and oil, and the unanimous voice was found to be decidedly pronounced against it. This, however, was, I presume, upon the presumption that the Americans could never unite in retaliation; that it would be many years before they could act as a nation, and that the United States, could never make a navigation act. This is the principle upon which this nation after the peace, decided its judgment concerning the system that ought to be adopted relatively to the United States. In conference with Mr Pitt, I made this remark to him, I told him that since I had been in England, I had made it my business to collect and read every thing which had been written and published since the peace, upon the commercial relations between Great Britain and the United States. That I found every one of these writers, who was for limiting and restraining the American commerce by prohibitions, alien duties, &c. laid it down as the fundamental principle of his system, that in all events this country was sure of the American commerce, because we could not unite and act as a nation in any retaliating prohibitions or duties. This idea had been first suggested to Lord Sheffield by some of the American refugees, and had been communicated to the nation by him and other writers, who took it from him without sufficient examination. I ventured to give Mr Pitt my opinions in very full terms, that this principle would be found to be an erroneous one by experience, that time would shew that the English nation had been misled in its judgment by this suggestion, which they had been too prone to believe, but might find to be an error when it would be too late. It is, however, by no means certain that the clearest refutation of that error, by the utmost unanimity in America, in any measures to defend their navigation, would now alter the public voice and public opinion here, The public is not to be easily reasoned out of a settled opinion, though it might have been easy, in the season of it, to have reasoned it into the settlement of a different opinion. The papers are now filled with paragraphs, which an attentive reader may perceive are inserted, in order to feel out the sentiments of the people concerning a treaty of commerce with France, with Spain, with America, concerning the new Hanoverian engagements in Germany, and concerning the posts, negroes, debts, tories and all other points in dispute with the United States; they are disguised in such a manner, that it is scarcely possible to discover how the Minister inclines; nevertheless, some of them are in such a strain, and discover such and anxiety about the treaties of commerce in negociation with France and Spain, that I suspected they (the Ministry) have made some propositions to those Courts, and are anxious both to know whether they will be accredited or not, and how they will be received by the British and Irish nations, if they should be accepted; a few months time will remove their and our solicitude upon this head. I have the honor to be, &c. 64. From John Adams to John Jay. JOHN ADAMS. Audience of leave of his Majesty.-Address to the King.-Reply of his Majesty. Grosvenor Square, February 21, 1788. Dear Sir, Yesterday I had my audience of leave to his Majesty. I shall not trouble you with any particulars, of the previous steps to obtain this audience (which you know are always troublesome enough) nor with any detail of the conversation, farther than the public is imme diately interested in it. The substance of my address to his Majesty was no more than a renewal of assurances in behalf of the United States, of their friendly dispositions, and of their continued desire to cultivate a liberal intercourse of commerce, and good offices with his Majesty's subjects and States, thanks for the protection and civilities of his court, and good wishes of prosperity to his Majesty, his royal family, his subjects and dominions. The King's answer to me, was in these words: "Mr Adams, you may with great truth assure the United States that whenever they shall fulfil the treaty, on their part, I, on my part, will fulfil it in all its particulars. As to yourself, I am sure I wish you a safe and pleasant voyage, and much comfort with your family and friends." This was the answer in ceremony. His Majesty was then pleased to ask me many questions about myself and my family, how long I had been absent from them, &c. which were intended, I suppose to be very gracious and flattering, but were of no consequence to the public, and, therefore, will be here omitted. It now remains to take leave of the Queen and the Princesses, the cabinet Ministers, and corps diplomatique, a species of slavery, more of which I believe has fallen to my share, than ever happened before to a son of liberty; and I much fear, that the omission of a letter of recall, and the offence taken at it in Holland, will oblige me to go over to the Hague to repeat the same tedious ceremonies there. At this season of the year, so near the equinox, to have the passage from Harwich to Helvoet to cross twice, is a punishment for sins to me unknown. With much affection, &c. 65. From James Duane to John Jay. JOHN ADAMS. Encloses a copy of the judgment against Wessels, for violation of the privileges of a Minister Plenipotentiary. New-York, Office of Mayoralty, August 8, 1738. Sir, I have the honor to enclose you a copy of the judgement, this day pronounced by the court against Wessels, a constable, for the violation of the privileges of his Excellency Mr Van Berckel, Minister Plenipotentiary of their High Mightinesses, the States General of the United Netherlands, at this Court. He accordingly stands committed JAMES DUANE. to the common jail, I have the honor to be, &c. City and County of New-York, ss. At a court of general sessions of the peace, holden at the City Hall, in and for the city and county of New-York, before James Duane, Esquire, Mayor; Richard Varick, Esquire, recorder; and William W. Gilbert, Esquire, Alderman, of the city of New-York, and their associates, justices of the peace of the State of New-York, assigned to keep the peace within the said city and county, on Friday the 8th day of August, 1788. The people of the State of New-York versus John Wessels. The defendant, having at the last sessions been indicted for assaulting and falsely imprisoning James Van Antwerp, a servant of his Excellency the Minister of the United Netherlands, contrary to the law of nations and the privileges of Ambassadors, and the defendant having then plead thereto not guilty, comes now into court and prays leave to retract his plea, pleads guilty, and submits to the mercy of the court.Whereupon it is ordered that he be committed to the common jail of this city and county, there to remain for the space of three calendar months. Extract from the minutes. ROBERT BENSON, Clerk. 66. From John Jay to P. J. Van Berckel. Exemplary punishment of Wessels. Office for Foreign Affairs, Aug. 8th 1788. Sir, the paper herewith enclosed was this moment transmitted to me by the Mayor of the City. You will perceive from it, that the constable who violated your privileges, has been subject to exemplary punishment. It is the more severe upon him, as he is in indigent circumstances, and has a family dependent on him. I flatter myself that the conduct of the court on this occasion will meet with your approbation: and as there is reason to expect, as the nature and extent of the privileges in question will in future be better known, that due respect will uniformly be paid to them. With great respect and consideration, &c. 67. From Thomas Jefferson to John Jay. JOHN JAY. Letter received from a Brazilian on the emancipation of his country. Extract. Marseilles, May 4, 1787. Sir, My journey in this part of the country, has procured me information which I will take the liberty of communicating to Congress. In October last I received a letter dated Montpelier, October 2nd, 1786, announcing to me that the writter was a foreigner, who had a matter of very great consequence to communicate to me, and desired I would indicate the channel through which it might pass safely. I did so. I received, soon after, a letter in the following words, omitting only the formal parts: 66 “I am a Brazilian, and you know that my unhappy country groans under a most dreadful slavery, which becomes more intolerable since the era of your glorious independence the barbarous Portuguese sparing nothing to make us unhappy for fear that we should follow your steps. And as we know that these usurpers against the law of nature and of humanity, have no other thoughts than of crushing us, we are determined to follow the striking example which you have given us; and consequently to break our chains, and to bring to life liberty, which is now dead and oppressed by physical force, which is the only power Europeans have over America. But as Spain will not fail to join Portugal, it is necessary that a nation should join us. And notwithstanding the advantages we have for defence, we cannot do it, or at least it would not be prudent for us to run any hazard, without being sure of success. Your nation, sir, is, we think, that which should most suitably assist us, because it is her that has given us the example; and also, because nature has made us inhabitants of the same continent, and has consequently constituted us, in some sort, countrymen. We are ready, on our part, to furnish all the funds that may be necessary, and show, at all times, our gratitude towards our benefactors. This is the substance of my intentions, and it is to fulfil this commission, that I am now in France, as I could not do it in America without exciting some suspicions. It is for you to judge if they can be realized. And in case you should wish to consult your nation on the subject, I am enabled to give all the information that you may think necessary. 66 Montpelier, 21 Nov." I have the honor to be, &c. TH: JEFFERSON. 68. From Thomas Jefferson to John Jay. Arrest of Mr. Barclay, American Consul, for debt, and liberation by the Parliament of Bourdeaux. Conversation with the Minister on the subject. Paris, June 21, 1787. Sir, Mr. Barclay has probably informed you of his having been arrested in Bourdeaux, for a debt contracted in the way of his commerce; he immediately applied to the parliament of that place, who ordered his discharge, this took place after five days actual imprisonment. I arrived at Bourdeaux a few days after his liberation; as the Procureur General of the King had interested him self to obtain it, with uncommon zeal, and that too on public principles, I thought it my duty to wait on him, and return him thanks; I did the same to the President of the Parliment, for the body over which he presided. What would have been an insult in America, being an indispensable duty here. You will see by the enclosed printed paper, on what ground the Procureur insisted on Mr. Barclay's liberation; those on which the Parliament ordered it are not expressed. On my arrival here, I spoke with the Minister on the subject; he observed, that the character of Consul is no protection in this country against process for debt; that, as to the character with which Mr. Barclay had been invested at the Court of Morocco, it was questionable, whether it could be placed on the diplomatic line, as it had not been derived immediately from Congress; that, if it were, it would have covered him to Paris only, where he had received his commission, had he proceeded directly thither, but that his long stay at Bourdeaux, must be considered as terminating it there. I observed to him, that Mr. Barclay had been arrested almost immediatly on his arrival at Bourdeaux, but he says, that arrest was made void by the Parliament, and still he has continued there several weeks; true, I replied, but his adversaries declared they would arrest him again the moment he should be out of the jurisdiction of the Parliament of Bourdeaux,and have actually engaged the Marechaussee on the road, to do it; this seemed to impress him; he said he could obtain a letter of sauf conduit, which would protect him to Paris, but that immediately on his arival here, he would be liable to arrest. I asked him if such a letter could not be obtained to protect him to Paris and back to Bourdeaux, and even to America? He said, that for that, the consent of the greater part of his creditors would be necessary, and even with this, it was very doubtful whether it could be obtained. Still, if I should furnish him with that consent, he would do what should depend on him. I am persuaded he will, and have written to Mr. Barclay to obtain the consent of his creditors, This is the footing on which this matter stands at present. I have the honor to be, &c. TH: JEFFERSON. 69. From Thomas Jefferson to John Jay. Relative to the misconduct of the Count de Moustier. Representation to the Count de Montmorin. Leave of absence will probably be given to M. de Moustier. M. Ternant will be sent over as Charge d'Affaires. Paris, February 4, 1789. Sir, I had before understood, through different channels that the conduct of the Count de Moustier was politically and morally offensive. It was delicate for me to speak on the subject to the Count de Montmorin. The invaluable mediation of our friend, the Marquis de la Fayette, was, therefore, resorted to, and the subject explained, though not pressed. Later intelligence, shewing the necessity of pressing it, it was yesterday resumed, and represented through the same medium, to the Count de Montmorin, that recent information |