port from England was agreed to by me the more willingly, as I at that time had hopes of obtaining some money to send in the Washington, and the passport would have made its transportation safer, with that of our despatches, and of yours also, if you had thought fit to make use of the occasion. Your Excellency objected, as I understood it, that the English Ministers by their letters sent in the same ship, might convey inconvenient expectations into America. It was therefore, I proposed not to press for the passport, till your preliminaries were also agreed to.— They have sent the passport without being pressed to do it, and they have sent no letters to go under it, and ours will prevent the inconvenience apprehended. In a subsequent conversation, your Excellency mentioned your intention of sending some of the King's cutters, whence I imagined, that detaining the Washington was no longer necessary; and it was certainly incumbent on us to give Congress as early an account as possible of our proceedings, who will think it extremely strange to hear of them by other means, without a line from us. I acquainted your excellency, however, with our intention of despatching that ship, supposing you might possibly have something to send by her. Nothing has been agreed in the preliminaries contrary to the interests of France; and no peace is to take place between us and England, till you have concluded yours. Your observation is however, apparently just, that in not consulting you before they were signed, we have been guilty of neglecting a point of bienseance. But as this was not done from want of respect for the king, whom we all love and honor, we hope it will be excused, and that the great work, which has hitherto been so happily conducted, is so nearly brought to perfection, and is so glorious to his reign, will not be ruined by a single indiscretion of ours. And certainly the whole edifice sinks to the ground immediately, if you refuse on that account to give us any further assistance, We have not yet despatched the ship, and I beg leave to wait upon you on Friday for your answer. It is not possible for any one to be more sensible than I am, of what I and every American owe to the king, for the many and great benefits and favors he has bestowed upon us. All my letters to America are proofs of this; all tending to make the same impressions on the minds of my countrymen, that I felt in my And I believe, that no Prince was ever more beloved and respected by his own subjects, than the King is by the people of the United States. own. The English, I just now learn, flatter themselves that they have already divided us. I hope this little misunderstanding will therefore be kept a secret, and that they will find themselves totally mistaken. With great respect, &c. B. FRANKLIN. 30. Robert R. Livingston to the Commissioners. General Satisfaction with the Preliminary Articles.-Remarks on the 5th Article.-Regrets the signing of the Treaty without communication with the French Court, and concerning of the Separate Article. Philadelphia, March 25th, 1783. Gentlemen, I am now to acknowledge the favor of your joint letter by the Washington, together with a copy of the Preliminary Articles; both were laid before Congress. The Articles have met with their warmest approbation, and have been generally seen by the people in the most favorable point of view. The steadiness manifested in not treating without an express acknowledgment of your independence previous to a treaty is approved, and it is not doubted but it accelerated that declaration. The boundaries are as extensive as we have a right to expect; and we have nothing to complain of with respect to the fisheries. My sentiments as to English debts you have in a former letter. No honest man could wish to withhold them. A little forbearance in British creditors, till people have recovered in part from the losses sustained by the war, will be necessary to render this Article palatable, and indeed to secure more effectually the debt. The Article relative to the loyalists is not quite so accurately expressed as I could wish it to have been. What, for instance, is intended by real British subjects? It is clear to me that it will operate nothing in their favor in any State in the Union, but as you made no secret of this to the British Commissioners, they will have nothing to charge you with; and indeed the whole clause seems rather to have been inserted to appease the clamor of these poor wretches, than to satisfy their wants. Britain would have discovered more candor and magnanimity in paying to them three months' expense of the war establishment, which would have been an ample compensation for all their losses, and left no germ of dissatisfaction to bud and bloom and ripen into discontents here. Another mad Administration may think the noncompliance of the Legislatures with the recommendations of Con⚫gress on this subject, a sufficient cause for giving themselves and us new troubles. You however were perfectly right in agreeing to the Article; the folly was theirs, who did not either insist upon more, or give up this. But, Gentlemen, though the issue of your treaty has been successful, though I am satisfied that we are much indebted to your firmness and perseverance, to your accurate knowledge of our situation, and of our wants for this success, yet I feel no little pain at the distrust manifested in the management of it, particularly in signing the treaty without communicating it to the Court of Versailles till after the signature, and in concealing the Separate Article from it even when signed. I have examined with the most minute attention all the reasons assigned in your several letters to justify these suspicions. I confess they do not appear to strike me so forcibly as they have done you; and it gives me pain, that the character for candor and fidelity to its engagements, which should always characterise a great people, should have been impeached thereby, The concealment was in my opinion absolutely unnecessary; for had the Court of France disapproved the terms you had made, after they had been agreed upon, they could not have acted so absurdly as to counteract you at that late day; and thereby put themselves in the power of an enemy, who would certainly betray them, and perhaps justify you in making terms for yourselves. The Secret Article is no otherwise important, than as it carries in it the seeds of enmity to the Court of Spain, and shows a marked preference for an open enemy. It would in my opinion, have been much better to have fixed on the same boundaries for West Florida, into whatever hands it fell, without showing any preference, or rendering concealment necessary; since all the arguments in favor of the cession to England would then have operated with equal force, and nothing have been lost by it; for there can be no doubt, that whether Florida shall at the close of the war be ceded to England or to Spain, it will be ceded as it was held by Britain. The Separate Article is not, I suppose, by this time a secret in Europe; it can hardly be considered as such in America. The Treaty was sent out to the General with this Article annexed by Sir Guy Carleton, without the smallest injunction of secrecy; so that I dare say it has been pretty generally read at head quarters. Congress still conceal it here. I feel for the embarrassment explanations on this subject must subject you to, when this secret is known to your allies. I have the honor to be, Gentlemen, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. Versailles, May 22d, 1785. Sir, I have learnt with much concern of your retiring, and of your approaching departure for America. You cannot doubt but that the regrets, which you will leave, will be proportionate to the consideration you so justly enjoy. I can assure you, Sir, that the esteem the King entertains for you, does not leave you anything to wish, and that his Majesty will learn with real satisfaction, that your fellow citizens have rewarded, in a manner worthy of you, the important services that you have rendered them. I beg, Sir, that you will preserve for me a share in your remembrance, and never doubt the sincerity of the interest I take in your happiness. It is founded on the sentiments of attachment of which I have assured you, and with which I have the honor to be, &c. DE VERGENNES. 32. John Adams to the President of Congress. Duties of Diplomatic Agents and Consuls. Extract. Paris, June 29th, 1780. Sir, The consuls, as well as the foreign Ministers, should all be instructed to transmit to Congress, written accounts of the civil and military constitutions of the places where they are, as well as all the advantages for commerce with the whole world especially with the United States. These letters preserved, will be a repository of political and commercial knowledge, that in future times may be a rich treasure to the United States. To these consuls, the commercial concerns of the public should be committed, and the vessels of war. I have the honor to be, &c, JOHN ADAMS. 33. John Adams to the Count de Vergennes. Necessity of a Public Minister at Vienna. Extract. Paris,July 19,1781.- -It is impossible that there should be a treaty at Vienna between Great Britain and the people of America, whether they are called United Statee or American Colonies, unless both appear there by representatives, who must be authorised by commissions or full powers, which must be mutually exchanged, and consequently admitted to be, what upon the face of them they purport to be. The commission from the United States for making peace, which has been in Europe almost two years, is that of a Minister Plenipotentiary, and it authorises him to treat only with Ministers vested with equal powers. If he were to appear at Vienna, he would certainly assume the title and character of a Minister Plenipotentiary, and could enter into no treaty or conference with any Minister from Great Britain, until they had mutually exchanged authentic copies of their full powers. This it is true, would be an implied acknowledgement of his character and title, and of those of the United States too; but such an acknowledgment is indispensable because without it there can be no treaty all. In consequence he would expect to enjoy all the prerogatives of that character, and the moment they should be denied him, he must quit the Congress, let the consequences be what they might. I have the honor to be, &c. JOHN ADAMS. 34. John Adams to Robert R. Livingston. Is introduced to the Foreign Ministers at a dinner made in Honor of the United States by the French Ambassador.-Receives visits in a private character from the Spanish Minister. The Hague, April 23d, 1782. Sir, I ought not to omit to inform Congress, that on the 23d of April, the French Ambassador made an entertainment for the whole Corps Diplomatique, in honor of the United States, at which he introduced their Minister to all the foreign Ministers at this Court. There is nothing, I suppose, in the whole voluminous ceremonial, nor in all the idle farce of etiquette, which should hinder a Minister from making a good dinner in good company, and therefore I believe they were all present, and I assure you I was myself as happy as I should have been, if I had been publicly acknowledged a Minister by every one of them; and the Duc de la Vauguyon more than compensated for all the stiffness of some others, by paying more attention to the new brother than to all the old fraternity. and Etiquette, when it becomes too glaring by affectation, imposes no longer either upon the populace or upon the courtiers, but becomes ridiculous to all. This will soon be the case everywhere with respect to American Ministers. To see a Minister of such a State as assume a distant mysterious air towards a Minister of the United States, because his Court has not yet acknowledged their independence, when his nation is not half equal to America in any one attribute of sovereignty, is a spectacle of ridicule to any man who sees it. I have had the honor of making and receiving visits in a private character from the Spanish Minister here, whose behavior has been polite enough. He was pleased to make me some very high compliments upon our success here, which he considers as the most important and decisive stroke which could have been struck in Europe. I have the honor to be, &c. JOHN ADAMS. 35. John Adams to Robert R. Livingston. The treaty of Commerce, and the Convention concerning Recaptures executed.-Remarks on some of the clauses, and some rejected articles. Extract. The Hague, October 8th, 1782. Sir, at twelve o'clock to-day I proceeded, according to appointment, to the State-House, where I was received with the usual formalities, at the head of the stairs, by M. Van Santheuvel, a Deputy from the Province of Holland, and M. Van Linden, the first noble of Zealand, and a Deputy from that Province, and by them conducted into the Chamber of Business, (chambre de besogne) an apartment belonging to the Truce Chamber, (chambre de treve) where were executed the treaty of commerce and the convention concerning recaptures, after an exchange of full powers. Several propositions were made to me, which I could not agree to, and several were made on my part, which could not be admitted by the States. The final result contained in the treaty, is as near the spirit of my instructions as I could ob tain, and I think it is nothing materially variant from them. The Lords, the Deputies, proposed to me to make the convention a part of the treaty. My answer was, that I thought the convention, which is nearly conformable with that lately made with France, would be advantageous on both sides; but as I had no special instructions concerning it, and as Congress might have objections, that I could not foresee, it would be more agreeable to have the convention separate; so that Congress, if they should find any difficulty, might ratify the treaty without it. This was accordingly agreed to. It seemed at first to be insisted on, that we should be confined to the Dutch ports in Europe, but my friend, M. Van Berkel, and the merchants of Amsterdam, came in aid of me, in convincing all, that it was their interest to treat us upon the footing gentis amicissimæ, in all the parts of the world. Upon the whole, I think the treaty is conformable to the principles of perfect reciprocity, and contains nothing, that can possibly be hurtful to America, or offensive to our allies, or to any other nation, except Great Britain, to whom it is indeed, without a speedy peace, a mortal blow. The rights of France and Spain are sufficiently secured by the twenty-second article; although it is not in the very words of the project, transmitted me by Congress, it is the same in substance and effect. The Duc de la Vauguyon was very well contented with it, and the States were so jealous of unforeseen consequences from the words of the article as sent me by Congress, and first proposed by me, that I saw it would delay the conclusion without end. After several conferences, and many proposals, we finally agreed upon the article as it stands, to the satisfaction of all parties. The clause reserving to the Dutch their rights in the East and West Indies, is unnecessary, and I was averse to it, as implying a jealousy of us. But as it implies too a compliment to our power and importance, was much insisted on, and amounted to no more than we should have been bound to without it, I withdrew my objection. The proviso of conforming to the laws of the country, respecting the external show of public worship, I wished to have excluded; because I am an enemy to every restraint in a matter so delicate and sacred as the liberty of conscience; but the laws here do not permit Roman Catholics to have steeples to their churches, and these laws could not be altered. I shall be impatient to receive the ratification of Congress, which I hope may be transmitted within the time limited.* I have the honor to be, &c. JOHN ADAMS. John Adams to Robert R. Livingston. Paris, December 4th, 1782. Sir, it is with much pleasure, that I transmit you the preliminary treaty between the King of Great Britain and the United States of America. The Mississippi, the western lands, Sagadehoe, and the fisheries, are secured as well as we could, and I hope what is done for the refugees will be pardoned. As the objects, for which I ever consented to leave my family and country, are thus far accomplished, I now beg leave to resign all my employments in Europe. They are soon enumerated; the first, is my commission to borrow money in Holland, and the second, is my credence to their High Mightinesses. These two should *See page 134, Vol.1. for this treaty at large. |