A fascinating story of the struggles for a higher life among various representatives of the Navajo Indians. At the beginning of the story we are introduced to the wild life of the cañons of Arizona and New Mexico, where the uncivilized and powerful Apaches roam at will. Professor Redford is visiting the shrewd and crafty natives to carry the message of the President concerning the new industrial school at San Gabriel for the Indian children.

Making an impressive and powerful plea, he wins a friend in Hot-si, a young Navajo, who accompanies the professor on his return to the school. Chunda, Hot-si's sweetheart, together with other Indian maidens, also goes. After completing her school course, Chunda visits her mother, whose illness and death lead her to study medicine at the "New York Medical School for Women." Graduating, she determines to return to her people to devote her life to alleviating their physical ailments. But before returning, she (now Miss Eulalia Lawton) visits the Adirondacks, where she meets Captain Nelson, an invited guest of Mr. Redford from Hampton.

Although ten years have passed since Chunda left the reservation, during which time she has grown into a woman, upon meeting Captain Nelson she instantly recognizes him as her old lover, Hot-si. He, too, has distinguished himself in educational lines and is overjoyed to find Chunda still faithful to him.

Placing their personal happiness second, they decide to devote their lives to elevating their own people. Chunda volunteers to suffer torture for her race before she is united to Hot-si.

Dramatic, indeed, is this story of the Indian lovers. In his descriptive scenes of Indian life the author appears at his best. Vividly does the wild life of the Navajos stand out before the reader in the opening chapter. Tragic is the death of Professor Redford as he attempts to save the life of Chunda.

The author has written a significant story of the struggle of the American Indians to take the first steps toward civilized life as it exists to-day.

A REPORT ON THE PUBLIC ARCHIVES. By BENJAMIN F. SHAMBAUGH. Reprinted from the January, 1907, number of the Annals of Iowa. By the HISTORICAL DEPARTMENT OF IOWA, Des Moines, Iowa, 1907. 12mo. Ill. 39pp.

This pamphlet contains a brief statement of the legislative action which is securing the preservation of ancient public records in Iowa and elsewhere.

THE SPIRIT OF DEMOCRACY. By CHARLES FLETCHER DOLE, author of "The Coming People," etc. 12mo. VIII.+435Pp. New York: THOMAS Y. CROWELL & Co., Publishers. September, 1906.

The author, who is president of the "Twentieth Century Club" of Boston, has long given mature reflection to the political, economic and social questions of the day, and we are pleased to find in this volume his ripest contributions to the theory of what government should be and of man's relation to his fellowmen in an ideal democracy.

It is the writer's purpose "6 to show what real democratic government is." Continuing, he says, "People have studied the outside of

the body of democracy; they have hardly begun to know what makes its life, or upon what its good health depends."

We are told that coöperation and good will are the mightiest forces in the world. Peaceable arbitration should be substituted everywhere for force and bloodshed. The ultimate end of all, the work of the world is no longer to vanquish others, but it is to secure the means by which the power, virtue, product and manhood of each shall enrich all.

We are also told that the true democratic theory of government is not to turn great men out of office, but to secure their services in the highest positions in the land.

No external authority is sufficient to control a man's will. That must be ruled from within, from his sense of right, of justice, of toleration and of kindliness of heart.

The aim of the state is not merely to enable men to live, but to live nobly as Plato and Aristotle taught. There is no dividing line corresponding with the aristocratic theory. Civilized men cannot be separated from uncivilized, for all are only learners as yet in respect to true civilization.

It is not surprising to find the writer of these fundamental principles or premises at variance with existing conditions of govern

ment.

To him the freedom sanctioned in the testamentary disposition of vast estates, seems strange and anomalous.

The ballot being a valid expression of the human will, reason should be shown why it is given to some and withheld from others.

There is no evidence that ignorant and childish people are more ready than "better people" to put themselves into the hands of unscrupulous leaders.

The principles at the foundation of society which we reverence as justice, truth, honor, liberty and humanity, are incarnated in the lives and deeds of all true men who have been ready to give lives even for those ideas. Absolutism and autocracy must give way to good will and justice.

The writer believes that true democracy is not inconsistent with the use of needful force provided it is used without revenge or enmity. Order may be wholesome, curative and

humane in the face of a surging mass of animal men.

Transform the character of, the criminal for the prevention of crime. Whatever tends to bind men together intellectually, socially and morally, tends to lessen crime.

Few kings possess such gigantic means of carrying out their own will as does the President of the United States. President McKinley acted as an aristocrat and not with the spirit of democracy in compelling the Filipinos to submit. "Could there be a more perilous extension of the power of the chief magistrate of a democratic people?"

Though the evils of militarism are presented with uncommon power, there is a defect in the anti-imperialistic argument, for the writer on several pages indicates that the growth of democracy is due to the ripening of the conservative ideas of our people.

In discussing the relation of the strong to the weak, of the educated to the ignorant, of the fair-minded to the degenerated, he seems to beg the whole question of human leadership.

To those who would make political capital out of the volume, there is little consolation, for the author declares that, "Party government no more deserves the name of democracy than does a constitutional monarchy." The spirit of democracy is union, coöperation, and our present bipartisan scheme is a survival of barbarism.

Dr. Dole holds up the undemocratic machinery of our electoral system and shows that in the management of our cities we are far behind less professed democratic countries.

He suggests strengthening the authority of the Mayor, but at the same time he would curtail the powers of the President.

In the chapter on taxation, attention is called to the fact that the further government is removed from local responsibility of the people, the more wasteful it becomes. The larger part of the national taxes is used to pay off war debts and pensions, and to keep us in preparation for war among the world powers.

The volume is epigrammatical and many gems of social literature are here given permanency. The book is strong, but it is suggestive rather than authoritative.