Frenchmen, we cannot believe, we cannot suppose, Europe for the enormous sacrifices made to subju
that his furious ambition can have influence suffici-gate us.
ent so far to seduce you, as to produce a belief in
the success of his insane projects.(2)

(6) "That is to say, that the allied sovereigns "We know his forces, we are acquainted with of France. My lord, what would you say were sihave proclaimed themselves arbiters of the destinies his means. We do not deceive ourselves in decla-milar language to be addressed to the people of ring to you that all his efforts will only serve to Great Britain-Nay, what would you do? make him fall with more certainty into our hands. No, Frenchmen, I must repeat, it is not on the ma- savors a little of the Brussels Oracle. (7) "This is not quite certain. This prediction tion we mean to make war, but on Bonaparte and his TREATY-BREAKERS. soldiers.(3) Woe to those who shall join him! Woe to the rebel provinces! Do not imagine that Bonaparte can brave with impunity the sovereign authority of so many crowned heads,(4) by abusing with impunity, as he has already done, that clemency;-ground for war? When would wars cease, and with "Suppose this latter assertion to be true, is that a or that offended Europe will consent to have, inhom could we ever have treaties, if we were to act vain, made enormous sacrifices(5) for placing the on such a ride? Did not Russia make a treaty with Bourbons on the throne of France, when the repose Napoleon at Tilsit, in which the former stipulated to and the interests of nations require that they should be maintained thereon.

On the hackneyed saying that the allies "cunrot" trust to the faith of Napoleon, Cobbett remarks in his Register of May 6, with his usual force and pungency:

adopt the continental system, and in which she acknow"But did not these circumstances exist, one rule breach of this treaty, which led Napoleon into Russia? ledged Joseph king of Spain? And was it not the more powerful, would render it necessary to resume Did we not see Bavaria, Austria, aml Prussia, alt arms a second time-that of punishing the factious bound to Napoleon by treaty in a war against Russia, hordes by which the present troubles have been fo- and did they not ail of them desert kim in the field and mented, and which has dared to pronounce against join his enemies? And, you will bear in mind, too, that tl.e unanimous wish of all the European monarchs, he had repeatedly had the sovereigns of these three "Yes, Frenchmen, henceforth. Europe united and countries at his feet, and had replaced them upon their moved by the same interest, must farm but one sin-thrones. What impudence, then, is it in the war facgłe power, and the sovereigns asupreme corporation, tion to call him a treaty-breaker, and to say, that we upon which will be raised the solid pedestal of the cannot trust him! How we have kept our treaties I peace and happiness of nations. The rights of the shall not attempt to show; nor, indeed, is it necessary. Inonarchy will attain all from this august senate, and confirmed in its solemn acts..

it is well known, that all those powers, whom we ano "The name of Louis XVIII. is inscribed in this we place so much reliance, have been our allies before; call our high allies, and on whose valor and fidelity federal compact. The allied sovereigas replaced that they have quitted our alliance and joined France him on the throne of his ancesters, and proclaimed against us, that they have in short, within the last 22 the reign of the Bourbons, until its extinction, over years, all been twice fighting with France against us, the French people (6) They now take up arms to and more than twice fighting with us ageinst Francerestore and confirm that dynasty-to support the The facts being notorious, what assurants must cause of kings-to consolidate the government to those persons have, who would persuade us, that we secure the repose of mankind, and to give an impo-never can have peace with Napoleon; and that we sing example of sovereign authority to all nations. ought to make war with him till he be destroyed, beThey will not lay down their arms until they shall cause he is a man who does not keep treaties.” have destroyed, past the possibility of return, the source of all evils with which you are menaced, pence of Antiens, which we concluded with him? Was Again-"How does it appear, that he broke the until a general peace be signed, and the tranquility it not the refusal of the English to give up Malta, afof all Europe be secured. This they have sworn in ser that island had been conceded to France, which the face of the universe. "Frenchmen! in the name of your king and of his money were not the continental powers continually ccasioned the renewal of the war? Aided by English allies, I exhort you to return to your duty, and to leaguing against their conqueror, and breaking the return to the good cause. recalls you. His clemency still wishes to pardon wage war against prospective ambition is proclaiming Louis XVIII. once more treaties they had sworn to preserve with France? To your errors. You have now but a short time left. interminable hostilities." All France is pointed out to him-he knows the names of the good and the bad Frenchmen-he knows how to appreciate the attachment of the form er, as well as punish the infidelity of the latter.

CONGRESS OF VIENNA.

Extract from minutes of conferences of the powers who signed
the treaty of Paris.
Conference of the 12th of May, 1815.

The committee appointed on the 9th instant, and charged to

"Within a few days, 1,200,000 will pass your fron-examine, whether, after the events which have passed since the tiers, and occupy your provinces.(7) I shall cause the provinces which submit to be respected, but I shall be under the necessity of punishing the rebel population."

Notes of the Moniteur.

(1) "My Lord, you need not preach peace to uson that point we are all converts. As to submission we do not understand that language.

(2) "yes, my Lord, we are sufficiently deceived, sufficiently misled to think that we will resist all Europe, if all Europe do not resist the most insun of projects.

(3) "On his soldiers!" Think my Lord on those words.

the documents published at Paris, on the declaration which the return of Napoleon Bonaparte to France, and in consequence of powers issued against him on the 13th of March last, it would be necessary to proceed to a new declaration, presented at the sit ting of this day the following reports:

Report of the committee.

E

the treaty of Paris, having since his return to Paris been discussed The declaration published on the 13th of March last against in various shapes by those whom be has employed for that pur Napoleon Bonaparte and his adherents, by the powers who signed nets of Europe, having also been published by him with the manipose; these discussions having acquired great publicity, and a letter addressed by the duke of Vicenza to the heads of the cabi fest intention of influencing and misleading public opinion, the committee appointed in the sitting of the 9th instant, was charged to present a report on these tupies; and considering that in the the declaration of the 13th of March, by laying it down: abovementioned publications, it has been attempted to invalidate

(4) The sovereign of Frenchmen does not recog-now that he had hid hold of the reins of government without 1. That that declaration, directed against Bonaparte, at the pe riod of his landing on the coast of France, was without application nize the sovereign authority of any crowned head.open resistance, and this fact sufficiently proving the wishes of (5) "T. is to say, that France should indemnify old rights in regard to France, but that the question even of the the nation, he had not only re-entered into the possession of his

Legitimacy of his government, had ceased to be within the jurisdic-into with all the powers of Europe; and that they cannot under 877 tion of the powers; 2. That by offering to ratify the treaty of Paris, he removed recalling to the throne, him, whose exclusion was a condition any pretext, give validity, as against these powers, to the right of every ground of war against him; The committee has been specially charged to take into consi-of the French people, even if it were fully ascertained, would not preliminary to every pacific arrangement with France; the wish derationestablishing a power against which all Europe has been in a state be the less null, and no effect in regard to Europe towards re of permanent protest since the 31st of March, 1814, up to the 13th of March, 1815; and, in this view, the position of Bonaperiods. parte is precisely at this day what it was at these last mentioned SECOND QUESTION.

1. Whether the position of Bonaparte in regard to the powers of Europe has changed by the fact of his arrival at Paris, and by the circumstances that accompanied the first success of his attempt

on the throne of France?

2. Whether the offer to sanction the treaty of Paris, of the 31st May, 1814, can determine the powers to adopt a system different from that which they announced in the declaration of the 13th March?

Should the offer to sanction the treaty of Paris change the dispo sitions of the powers?

3. Whether it be necessary or proper to publish a new declara tion to confirm or modify that of the 13th March? The committee having maturely examined these questions, sub-true interests, secured all her real advantages; all the elements France has had no reason to complain of the treaty of Paris. mit to the assembly of plenipotentiaries the following amount of of prosperity and glory, which a people called to one of the first This treaty reconciled France with Europe, it satisfied all her the result of its deliberation places in the European system could reasonably desire, and only of great national eclat, an inexhaustible source of suffering, of took from her that which was to her, under the deceitful exterior ruin and misery. This treaty was even an immense benefit for a trous situation. country reduced by the madness of its chief to the most disus

FIRST QUESTION.

Is the position of Bonaparte in regard to the powers of Europe altered by the first success of his enterprize, or by the events which have passed since his arrival at Paris?

The powers, informed of the landing of Bonaparte in France, could see in him only a man, who, by advancing on the French territory, with force and arms, and with the avowed project of duties, if, as the price of so much moderation and generosity. The allied powers would have betrayed their interests and thei overturning the established government, by exciting the people they had not, on signing the treaty, obtained some solid advant and the army to revolt against their lawful sovereign, and by tage. But the sole object of their ambition was the peace of Eu. usurping the title of emperor of the French (1) had incurred the rope and the happiness of France. Never, in treating with Bonapenalties which all legislations pronounce against such outrages-parte, would they have consented to the conditions which they a man, who, by abusing the good faith of the sovereigns, had granted to a government which, while offering to Europe a broken a solea treaty-a man, in fine, who, by recalling upon pledge of security and stability, relieved them from requiring France, happy and tranquil, all the scourges of internal and ex- from France the guarantees which they had demanded under its ternal war, and upon Europe, at a moment when the blessings of former government.” peace must have consoled her for her long sufferings, the sad necessity of a new general armament, was justly regarded as the implacable enemy of public welfare. Such was the origin, such were the grounds, of the declaration of the 13th of March-a de claration, of which the justice and necessity have been universally acknowleged, and which general opinion has sanctioned.

The events which conducted Bonaparte to Paris, and restored to him for the moment, the exercise of supreme power, have doubtless, in fact, altered the position in which he was at the pe. riod of his entering France: but these events, brought on by critainal collusion, by military conspiracies, by revolting treasons, can create no right-they are absolutely null in a legal point of view; and in order to the position of Bonaparte being essentially and legitimately altered, it would be necessary that the steps which he has taken to establish himself on the ruins of the government overturned by him, should have been confirmed by some legal title

Bonaparte lays it down in his publications, that the wishes of the French nation in favor of his re-establishment on the throne, suffice to constitute this legal title.

it, is to break this treaty. The formal consent of the French na-
This clause is inseparable from the treaty of Paris; to abolish
tion, to the return of Bonaparte to the throne, would be equiva
lent to a declaration of war against Europe; for the state of
peace did not exist between Europe and France, except by the
power of Bonaparte.
treaty of Paris, and the treaty of Paris is incompatible with the

in the very offer of Bonaparte to ratify the treaty of Paris.
If this reasoning had need of further support, it might be found
This treaty had been scrupulously observed and executed, the
transactions of the congress of Vienia, were only its supplements
and developements; and without the new attempt of Bonaparte,
it would have been, for a long series of years, one of the bases of
the public rights of Europe. But this order of things has given
place to a new revolution, and the agents of this revolution, al
though they proclaim incessantly that "nothing has been chang
The question is no longer the maintenance of the treaty of Paric
ed," conceive and feel themselves that all is changed around them,
but the making of it afresh. The powers find themselves with
of March, 1814. It is not to prevent war, for France has in fact
respect to France in the condition which they were on the 31s
rekindled it; it is to terminate it, that there now offers itself to
Europe a state of things essentially different from that on which
the peace of 1814 was founded. The question then has ceased to
calculation and foresight, in which the powers have only to con-
sult the real interests of their people, and the common interest
be a question of right; it is no more than a question of political
of Europe.

The question for the powers to examine may be stated as fol lows-Can the consent, real or fictitious, explicit or tacit, of the French aation to the re-establishment of Bonaparte's power, opefate a legal change in the position of the latter in regard to foreign powers, and forma title obtigatory on those powers? The committee are of opinion that such cannot by any means be the effect of such consent; and the following are their reasons: The powers know too well the principles which ought to guide them, in their relations with an independent country, to attempt (as it is endeavored to accuse them) to impose upon it laws, to an exposition of considerations, which, under this last view have The committee thinks it may dispense with entering here into interfere in its internal affairs, to presetibe to it a form of go directed the measure of the governments. It will be sufficient vernment, to give it masters according to the interest or pasto recal to notice, that the man who is now offering to sanetion sions of its neighbors," (2) but they also know that the liberty of the treaty of Paris, pretends to substitute his guarantee for that of a nation to change its system of government, must have its a sovereign whose loyalty was without stain and benevolence just limits, and that if foreign powers have not a right to pre- without measure, is the same who, during fifteen years ravaged scribe to it the exercise which it shall make of that liberty, they and laid waste the earth to find means to satiate his ambition; who have at least indubitably the right of protesting against the abuse sacrificed millions of victims, and the happiness of an entire which they may make of it at their expense. Impressed with generation, to a system of conquest, whose truces, little worthy of this principle, the powers do not deem themselves authorized to the name of peace, have only rendered War more oppressive and impose a government on France, but they will never renounce more odious; (4) who after having by mad enterprizes, tired fur the right of preventing the establishment in France, of a focns ture, armed all Europe against him, and exhausted all the means of disorders and of subversions to other states, under the title of a of France, was forced to abandon his projects, and abdicated government. They will respect the liberty of France in every power to save some relies of existence; who, at the moment when way in which it shall not be incompatible with their own secu-the nations of Europe were giving themselves up to the hope of a rity, and the general tranquility of Europe. durable tranquility, meditated new catastrophes, and by a double

11

cope than his word. After the cruel experience of fifteen years, who
would have the courage to accept this guarantee? And if the
French nation has really embraced his cause, who could any
longer respect other security which it could offer?

In the existing case, the right of the allied sovereigns to inter-perfidy towards the powers who had too generously spared him, fere in the question of the internal government of France, is the and towards a government which he could not attack without more incontestible, inasmuch as the abolition of the power which the blackest treason, usurped a throne which he had renouneed, now claims to be re-established there, was the fundamental condi- and which he never occupied except for the misery of France and tion of a treaty of peace, on which rested all the relations which of the world. This man has no other guarantee to propose to Euup to the return of Bonaparte to Paris, subsisted between France aud the rest of Europe. On the day of their entrance into Paris, the sovereigns declared that they would never treat of peace with Bonaparte.-(3.) This declaration, loudly applauded by France and by Europe, produced the abdication of Napoleon, and the convention of the 11th of April; it formed the principal basis of the of such elements, would be a perpetual state of uncertainty, Peace with a government placed in such hands and composed negociation; it was explicitly pronounced in the preamble of the anxiety, and danger. No power being able effectually to disarm treaty of Paris. The French nation, even supposing it perfectly the people would enjoy none of the advantages of a free peace; free and united, cannot withdraw itself from this fundamental con- they would be overwhelmed with expenses of all kinds; confidence dition, without abrogating the treaty of Paris and all its existing not being able to establish itself any where, industry and com relations with the European systeni. The allied powers, on the merce would every where languish; nothing would be stable in other hand, by insisting on this very condition, only exercise a political relations; a sullen discoutent would spread over all com right which it is impossible to deny them, unless it be maintained tries; and from day to day, Europe in alarm, would expect a new that the most sacred compacts can be perverted, as suits the con-explosion. The sovereigns have certainly not misunderstood the venience of either of the contracting parties. inconveniences and all its sacrifices, is preferable to such a state interest of their people in judging that an open war, with all ite of things, and the measures which they have adopted, have met the general approbation

It hence follows, that the will of the people of France is by no means sufficient to re-establish, in a legal sense, a government, progibed by solemn engagements, which that very people eater

THIRD QUESTION.

Is it necessary to publish a new declaration? The observations which the committee have just presented, furnish the answer to the last question which remains to be exa

mined.

It considers,

1. That the declaration of the 13th of March was dictated to the powers by reasons of such evident justice and such decided weight, that none of the sophistries by which it is pretended to be

attacked, can at all affect it.

The opinion of Europe on this great occasion is pronounced in manner: "Sire-The French people had decreed a mauner very positive and very solemn; never could the real sentiments of nations have been more accurately known and you the crown, which you abdicated without their more faithfully interpreted, than at a moment when the repre- consent; its suffrages now impose on you the duty of sentatives of all the powers were assembled to consolidate the resuming it. A new contract has been formed be peace of the world. tween the nation. Assembled from all quarters of the empire around the tables of the law, upon which we have just inscribed the will of the people-that will which is the only legitimate source of powerit is impossible for us not to repeat the cry of France of which we are the immediate organs, not to de clare in the presence of Europe, to the august chief of the nation, what it expects from him, and what he ought to expect from it." The speaker enquired what were the designs of the allies, and what bas occasioned their aggression? "We will not," he ex, 3. That the offer to ratify the treaty of Paris, cannot on any claimed, "have for our head him whom our eneaccount alter the disposition of the allies. Therefore, the committee are of opinion that it would be use-mies choose for us, and we will have him to whom less to publish a new declaration. to proscribe you personally-You, sire, who, though they are adverse." "They presume," he continued, so often master of their capitals, had generously established them on their tottering thrones! This hatred of our enemies, strengthens our attachment to you. Were the meanest of our citizens pro scribed, we ought to defend him with the same ener gy: he would be, like you, under the agis of the law, and of the power of France." The speaker

2. That these reasons remain in all their force, and that the changes that have in fact occurred since the declaration of the 13th of March, have produced no alteration in the position of Bonaparte and of France with regard to the allies.

Here fallows the record of the adoption of the above report by
all the powers, and the signatures of their plenipotentiaries, viz:
Austria-Prince, Metternich, Baron Wessenberg.
Spain-P. Gomes Labrador.

France-Prince Talleyrand, duke of Dalberg, count de Noailles.
Great Britain-Clancarty, Catheart, Stewart.
Bavaria-Count Rechberg.

Denmark-C. Bernstorff, L. Bernstorff.

Hanover-Count Munster, count Hardenburgh.

Netherlands-Baron Spaer, baron Gagern.

Portugal-Count de Palinella, Saldanha, Lobo.

Prussia-Prince Hardenberg, baron Humboldt.

Russia-Count Rasoumousky, count Stakelberg, count Nessel then noticed the threatened invasion of France,

rode.

Sweden-Count Loewenheilm.

Sardinia-Marquis de St. Marsan, count Rossi.
Saxony-Count Schulemberg.

Two Sicilies-Commander Ruffo.

"yet shut up within our frontiers which nature has not given us?" "Ought they not," he adds, "to be afraid of reminding us of very different times, and of a very different state of things, which, however, Wurtemberg-Count Winzingerode, baron Linden. "Because France," he (1.) The 1st article of the convention of the 11th of April, 1814, might once more recur." is as follows: The emperor Napoleon renounces for himself, his asks, "determines to be France, must she be de successors, and descendants, as well as for all the members of his graded, torn, dismembered; and is the fate of Po. family, all rights of sovereignty and of power, not only over the land reserved for us?" The speaker then declares French empire and the kingdom of Italy, but also over every other country." Notwithstanding this formal renunciation, Bona- that the allies cloak fatal designs under the mask of parte, in his different proclamations from the Gulph of Juan, Gap, sole intention of separating the emperor from the Grenoble and Lyons, entitled himself, "by the grace of God, and The constitutions of the empire, emperor of the French, &c. &c. nation. "They would no longer be able (says the speaker) to believe our oaths-we could no longer (2.) It is thus that Bonaparte's council of state express them-believe their prom ses. Titles-the feudal system selves in their report on the intentions of the powers, See Mo piteur of April 13.

&c." See Moniteur of March 21, 1815.

(3.) Declaration of 31st March, 1814.
(4.) Preamble of the treaty of Paris,

-privileges-all that is odious to us, was evidently the aim and bottom of their thoughts." This ener getic speech concludes in the following wordsPOSTSCRIPT TO A LONDON PAPER OF JUNE 8, "Sire, nothing is impossible, nothing will be spared, The French papers to the 3d instant, state posito secure honor and independence, those goods tively that Murat arrived at Paris on the 1st of this more dear than life! Every thing will be done to month. The queen of Naples and her children were repel an ignominious yoke." We say it to natio.s expected at Compeigne. The insurrection at La-may their chiefs hear us! If they accept your Vendee is said to be completely extinguished; the offers of peace, the French people will expect from chiefs went on the 27th to the head-quarters of gen. your administration, strong, liberal and paternal mcTravot, to offer their submission. It is expected tives to console it for the sacrifices which peace has the emperor will set out on Friday the 6th instant. cost us; but, if they will leave us only a choice be Champ de Mai-The abovementioned papers con- tween war and shame, the whole nation rises entire tain likewise a very long and interesting account of for war; it is ready to extricate you from the offers, the transactions which occurred at the Champ de perhaps too moderate, which you have made, to Mai on the last ultimo. It is described as a nation-spare Europe a new convulsion. Every Frenchman al festival at once magnificent and impressive. The is a soldier. Victory will attend your eagles; and emperor's throne was placed in front of the milita- our enemies, who reckon upon our divisions, will ry school, between two amphitheatres, in which soon regret having provoked us." 15,000 persons were seated. An altar was erected At the conclusion of this speech, the Champ de

in the middle, and at the distance of about 100 fa- Mai resounded with shouts of “Vive la nation! vive thoms, was raised another detached throne which le empereur" The arch-chancellor then proclaimcommanded the whole Champ de Mai. The em-ed the result of the votes, by which the additional peror having proceeded in magnificent procession to act to the constitutions of the empire is accepted the Champ de Mai, seated himself on the throne almost unanimously. There were 1,282,357 affiramidst universal acclamations. Mass was then per-mative, and 4,207 negative votes. The chief of the formed by the archbishop de Tours. When mass heralds at arms then declared the acceptance of the was over, the members of the deputation of the additional act by the French people. New accla electoral colleges advanced to the throne, and mations were heard from every part. The grand 'ascended the steps. They were about 500 in num-chamberlain placed a table before the throne, on ber, and were presented by the arch-chancellor of which was laid the additional act, and the arch chanthe empire. One of the members, M. Dubois, re- cellor delivered a pen to prince Joseph, who prepresentative of the department of Marne and Loire, sented it to the emperor, and his majesty invested then pronounced an address in the name of the with his signature the act of the promulgation of French people. He commenced in the following the constitution. The table being removed, the

emperor seated and covered, addressed the assem-emperor, shouting “Vive l'Empereur,” amidst the ac bly. He said, "Emperor, consul, soldier, I hold clamations of an immense concourse of people who every thing for the people. In prosperity, in ad covered the hills of the Champ de Mars to the Seine. versity, in the field of battle, in council, on the The emperor then returned through the deparments throne, in exile, France has been the sole and con-of the military school.

stant object of my thoughts and actions. Like the

The London Courier of June 8, says-On Satur king of Athens, I sacrificed myself for my people, day the [French] chamber of representatives met in the hope of witnessing the realization of the to choose a president-but previous to the nominapromise given to guarantee to France her natural tion, a curious and rather a stormy scene took place, integrity-her honor and her rights." The empe- One of the duputies, a M. Sibuet, on a sudden startror concluded his address in the following energetic ed up, and began by saying;—“Principiis obsta.”— terms: "Frenchmen, you are about to return into All the deputies, were struck with surprize. "Noyour departments. Tell the citizens that circum- thing is more important," continued M. Sibuet, stances are arduous!-that with union, energy ard "than to put an end at once to a custom which is perseverance, we shall come off victorious from the contrary to the sentiments of political and social struggle of a great people with its oppressors; that liberty and equality with which we are all animated. future generations will severely scrutinize our con- I propose that no one shall in the hall take or receive duct; that a nation has lost every thing when it has any other title than that of representative. I do lost its independence. Tell them, that the foreign not understand this division of the representatives kings whom I raised to the throne, or who are in- of the nation into two classes, that of dukes, counts, debted to me for the preservation of their crowns; barons, chevaliers, and that of simple deputies.who all, in the time of my prosperity, courted my This sacrifice, if it be one, has an example in the alliance and the protection of the French people, are conduct of their noble predecessors in the famous now aiming all their blows at my person. If I did night of the 4th of August, 1789." The assembly not see that it is against the country that they are became instantly in a ferment.-Some murmured, really directed, I would place at their disposal this others cried out, "you have no right to bring a life against which they manifest such animosity-written speech." The order of the day! Sibuet But tell the citizens also, that while the French continued to speak, but at last the order of the day shall retain for me the sentiments of love, of which was passed. they give me so many proofs, this rage of our ene mies will be impotent."

"Frenchmen, my will is that of the people; my rights are its rights; my honor, my glory, my happiness can never be distinct from the honor, the glory, and the happiness of France."

His majesty's speech was received with demonstrations of the warmest emotions, and when he had done speaking the archbishop of Bourges, approached the throne, and kneeling, presented the New-Testament to the emperor, who took the oath in these terms, "I swear to observe the constitutions of the empire and make them to be observed." The prince arch-chancellor, then, at the foot of the throne, first pronounced the oath of obedience to the constitution, and fidelity to the emperor. The assembly repeated, unanimously, "we swear it."

Another scene immediately succeeded. The minister of the interior, Carnot, had been required to send a list of the nomination to the chamber of peers. He replied that he could not send it until after the opening of the session.

M. Dupin immediately said, suppose we were to reply to the minister that the chamber will not constitute itself till it has received the list."

Murmurs and cries for the order of the day burst forth from all parts.

Dupin got in a passion, ran up to the president, snatched Carnot's letter from his hands, and wished to speak, but his voice was drowned in the general When it had subsided, the chamber proclamor. ceeded to the appointment of a President. After two scrutinies, the old conventionalist, Lanjuinais, having 277 votes out of 427, was declared elected. La Fayette had only 75.

The emperor then, on delivering the eagle and coWe shall be greatly mistaken if we do not see the lors to the national guard,called upon them to "swear to defend them at the price of your blood?"-Uni-old Jacobin spirit pervade this chamber, especially versal cries of, "we swear it," resounded through after the departure of Bonaparte from Paris. the enclosure. The emperor said-"Soldiers of the "Deliverance." The benefits to result to mankind national guard of Paris-Soldiers of the imperial guard! I confide to you the imperial eagle with the from the conspiracy of kings now operating against national colors. You swear to perish, if necessary, France, may be fairly estimated in the outrageous to defend it against the enemies of the country and of doings of the spoilers in regard to Poland, Saxony, the throne., (The whole army, assembled around Italy, &c. Their principle is fully developed, as well the throne, was within hearing and interrupted the in the declaration of Castlereagh in the British paremperor with a thousand times repeated cries of-liament, that Saxony being a "CONQUERED COUNTRY' "We swear it.") You swear never to acknowledge might be disposed of at the discretion of the conany other rallying sign-(Unanimous cries again re- querors, as in the following extract from the reply sounded of "we swear it!") The drums beat and of the emperor of Austria to the deputies of the silence was restored. You, soldiers of the national kingdom of Italy, at Paris, in the month of May guard of Paris, swear not to suffer the enemy to 1814: pollute again the capital of the great nation. It is to your valor I shall confide it. (Cries of "we swear it!" were repeated a thousand and a thousand times.) And you, soldiers of the imperial guard, you swear to surpass yourselves in the campaign that is about to open, and to die all of you rather than to suffer foreigners to come and dictate laws to the country.' (The acclamations, the shouts of "we swear it!" resounded again and were repeated throughout the whole extent of the Champ de Mars.)

The troops amounted to 50,000 men, of whom
7,000 were national guards. They defiled before the'

"Gentlemen, you know that our victorious army having conquered Italy, no mention can be made, neither of a constitution, nor of independence."

And yet the wretches talk of the ambition and conquests of Napoleon! What a pack of hypocritical knaves.

The ratification of the great treaty of alliance against Bonaparte by AUSTRIA, was received in England on the 25th of May..

A new motion has made in parliament in behalf of the Catholics. Mr. Grattan said, "If they do not succeed it will not be owing to any illiberality in the

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It is reported that the British have issued orders to detain all French vessels, whether under the tri-reur," whilst those who now cry out "Vive le Roi" colored or white flag.

It appears by what lord Castlereagh said in reply to several questions put to him in the house of com- Sir Francis Burdett declared that he should be mons, that Spain, Sweden and Denmark were acced-proud to lay this petition before the assembly which ing parties to the coalition against France; but of had been falsely called the house of Commons, yet he what they would probably contribute to the general did not expect it would meet with a better reception farce he was not informed. than that from the city of London.

Lord Wellington held a grand review of his cavalry (20,000 strong) on the 30th of May, near Brus-purpose was held in the Town Hall of the Borough. sels, where marshal Blucher had arrived to concert measures with him.

Mr.Bennet, in the English house of commons, June It is said that the correspondence with Vienna, 5, wished to know from the noble lord (Castlereagh) still goes on, and that Napoleon is in the constant who it was that inflicted such a disgrace on the cha-habit of receiving despatches from the empress. racter of the nation, as to advise the order of the garter to be conferred on Ferdinand of Spain-No answer was giver.