an expression that could easily serve as a pattern for Juvenal's spatium vitae extremum. If then it is clear that Juvenal is referring to senectus in 358 f.: qui spatium vitae extremum inter munera ponat this troublesome clause is completely clarified by Cicero, in de Sen. 39, where he makes aetatis 35 (= senectutis) modify praeclarum munus: Sequitur tertia vituperatio senectutis, quod eam carere dicunt voluptatibus. O praeclarum munus aetatis, siquidem id aufert a nobis, quod est in adulescentia vitiosissimum! . . . Nullam capitaliorem pestem quam voluptatem corporis hominibus dicebat a natura datam. It would be futile, doubtless, to attempt to attribute the words, qui ferre queat quoscumque labores (359), to Cicero or any other author, but it is worth noting that Cicero commends this same virtus again and again in his essay, as when he says of Ennius (de Sen. 14): Ita ferebat duo quae maxima putantur onera, paupertatem et senectutem, ut eis paene delectari videretur.36 In Juvenal's lines 360-3, potiores Herculis 37 aerumnas credat saevosque labores et venere et cenis et pluma Sardanapalli, there is a reflection of the thought in Cicero, de Sen. 50: Quae sunt igitur epularum aut ludorum aut scortorum voluptates cum his voluptatibus comparandae? Atque haec quidem studia doctrinae, which follows an enumeration of omnis eos who have remained his studiis flagr antis senes. Sed tamen necesse fuit esse aliquid extremum . . . quod ferendum est molliter sapienti. Ib. 64: Ei mihi videntur fabulam aetatis peregisse nec tamquam inexercitati histriones in extremo actu corruisse. 35 It matters little, for our present purpose, whether aetatis is appositional or possessive genitive. The passage clearly supports the contention that old age should be placed inter munera naturae. 36 Cf. de Sen. 3, 4, 6 et passim. 37 Mayor on Herculis aerumnas quotes Max. Tyr. 21, 6: Heracles was wise. But if Heracles had chosen to retire and live at ease and in leisure, and to pursue an inactive wisdom, he would have been instead of Heracles a sophist and no one would have dared to call him son of Zeus. Both Cicero and Juvenal were in accord with the Stoics to the extent of holding that virtue is the highest good. For Juvenal virtus alone led to the vita tranquilla; for Cicero virtus rendered senectus (and in fact omne tempus aetatis) nec solum non molesta, sed etiam iucunda. But Cicero discusses in detail the fructus that virtus brings and interjects his contention at different points in the course of his argument, whereas Juvenal confines himself to his concluding lines (363-366): semita certe tranquillae per virtutem patet unica vitae. It will not be possible, or necessary, to cite here all the parallels in the de Senectute. I shall simply call attention to the fact that the examination of a number of these 38 reveals 38 Rite vero te, Cyre, beatum ferunt, quoniam virtuti tuae fortuna coniuncta est. Hac igitur fortuna frui licet senibus, 59 f. Tantum remanet, quod virtute et recte factis consecutus sis, 69. Impedit enim consilium voluptas, rationi inimica est, mentis, ut ita dicam, praestringit oculos nec habet ullum cum virtute commercium, 42. Cumque homini sive natura sive quis deus nihil mente praestabilius dedisset, huic divino muneri ac dono nihil tam esse inimicum quam voluptatem; nec enim libidine dominante temperantiae locum esse, neque omnino in voluptatis regno virtutem posse consistere, 40. Cui (= et philosophiae) qui pareat, omne tempus aetatis sine molestia possit degere, 2. Est etiam quiete et pure atque eleganter actae aetatis placida ac lenis senectus, qualem accepimus Platonis, 13. Poteratne tantus animus efficere non iucundam senectutem? 56. Atque haec quidem studia doctrinae, quae quidem prudentibus et bene institutis pariter cum aetate crescunt, 50. In hoc sumus sapientes, quod naturam optimam ducem tamquam deum sequimur eique paremus; a qua non veri simile est, cum ceterae partes aetatis bene discriptae sint, extremum actum tamquam ab inerti poeta esse neglectum, 5. Breve enim tempus aetatis satis longum est ad bene honesteque vivendum. . . . Fructus autem senectutis est, ut saepe dixi, ante partorum bonorum memoria et copia. Omnia autem, quae secundum naturam fiunt, sunt habenda in bonis, 70. Sed omnium istius modi querellarum in moribus est culpa, non in aetate. Moderati enim et nec difficiles nec inhumani senes tolerabilem senectutem agunt, importunitas autem et inhumanitas omni aetati molesta est, 7. At sunt morosi et anxii et iracundi et difficiles senes. . . quae tamen omnia dulciora fiunt et moribus bonis et artibus, 65. Sed in omni oratione mementote eam me senectutem laudare, quae fundamentis adulescentiae constituta sit. Non cani nec rugae repente auctoritatem arripere possunt, sed honeste acta superior aetas fructus capit auctoritatis extremos, 62. ... ... an interesting recurrence of virtus, prudentia, mores, tranquilla vita, and fortuna (or their equivalents), as well as a resemblance in thought. 39 The interest in spatium vitae extremum, then, lies not particularly in the contribution it makes to the interpretation of the passage in Juvenal, but rather in the light it throws on Juvenal's literary interests; for not only is this phrase itself, meaning old age, clearly traceable to the diction and figurative phraseology of Cicero in the de Senectute, but in addition the clause in which it occurs (358 f.), in fact, the entire context in which this clause is found (346-366), and in a sense the declamatory tirade against old age (188-288), also can be attributed to source material in Cicero's essay on Old Age,3 -material, however, which was never appropriated outright, but which was modified and adapted to his ends with so decided an originality of treatment that it became in very fact Juvenal's own. In one case it is expanded for dramatic and rhetorical effect (188-288); in another it is condensed to form sententiae and epigrams that defy improvement. But this "power over trenchant expression" is seldom used merely for the sake of effect. Usually, as in the prayer of the tenth satire, it is one of the means whereby the nobility of his theme is made to stand out in clearer, brighter light. 39 The de Senectute, as indicated above, was not the only work of Cicero which furnished Juvenal with source material. Mayor, for example, cites Tusc. 1, 85 as the source of Sat. 10, 258-272, and Tusc. 1, 86 as the source of 283–288. XI.-Greek and Latin Inscriptions from Asia Minor DAVID MOORE ROBINSON JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY [Plates I-XLIII] During the expedition to Asia Minor which I directed for the University of Michigan in the summer of 19241 I took occasion to make excursions to many villages other than those at the sites where we were excavating and I copied and took photographs or squeezes of more than four hundred inscriptions. Most of these I found to be already published but in this paper I should like to call attention to some which seem to be new and to republish a few which are already known but incorrectly edited. To others I shall return later. 1 Cf. A. J. A. xxviii, 1924, 435-444. Plates I-XLIII give at least one illustration of every inscription discussed below, showing the forms of letters and ligatures. The numbers of the figures on the plates correspond to the numbers in the text. The illustrations reproduced of Nos. 63 to 76, though photographed also by myself, are from the excellent photographs made by Mr. George R. Swain, a member of our staff who was present from June 29 to September 5 at the excavations which began May 10. We express our thanks also to Sir William Ramsay, under whose firman and at whose invitation we excavated at Antioch towards Pisidia, paying all expenses, amounting to nearly $20,000 and including those of Sir William Ramsay himself who was present for the first of the four months of excavation. In a signed agreement drawn up at his request and by him in May, 1924, the original of which is at the University of Michigan, Sir William Ramsay says that he "voluntarily proposed both to Professor Kelsey in writing and to Professor Robinson repeatedly that this excavation should be handed over for publication to the University of Michigan Expedition. He also promised to both gentlemen to place at their disposal all the material of every kind in his possession that might be useful in that publication." After the conclusion of the excavations a check of nearly $500 was also sent to Sir William Ramsay with the understanding that all results of our excavations should be published by us. Many letters of Sir William show that he gave us all rights to publish even the Res Gestae. The publication in Klio, Beiheft XIX, based, without acknowledgment, on our preliminary article in A. J. P. XLVII, 1-54, on our squeezes, copies, and photographs, and on fragments bought and excavated by us was illegal. In the court of the 1. From Laodicea on the Maeander. house of Kadi Oglou Mehmed Salih, at Eski-Hissar, on a round altar column with molding at top and bottom. Greatest height 1.105 m. Circumference 1.667 m. at the inscription, 2.173 m. at the top. Diameter 0.68 m. Letters 0.03 m. Κόϊντος Τήδιος Τάρ σος· ζῇ· ἑαυτῷ καὶ Κλω καὶ Κλωδίῳ Θαμύρῳ τῷ πενθερῷ καὶ τοῖς Ἑκατέᾳ is for Εκαταίᾳ, foreshadowing the modern Greek pronunciation. I also verified the inscription of the second century A.D. published in C. I. G. 3943, and found the copy accurate but the division of the lines incorrect. The lines of this dialogue inscription 2 on the stone begin with Δοκτικίου, εἰκόνα, θεσπεσίης, στόμα, τίς, τίνος, ἡ πόλις and Δοκτικίῳ. At Nevinneh, which is about two hours on horseback north of Sizma and about an hour from Yorgan Ladik or Laodicea Combusta, a great heretical centre especially in the fourth century A.D., I copied and took squeezes and photographs of several unpublished inscriptions. The weather was unfavorable for taking good photographs and they were not very successful. Two of the inscriptions are especially important, as they confirm definitely the conjecture of Professor W. M. Calder, one of our most scientific scholars in Anatolian epigraphy, to whom I owe a great debt for many suggestions with regard to Asia Minor. Calder in a brilliant article on Anatolian Heresies,3 for which Asia Minor was a hot-bed in the early church, put forward the theory that Epiphanius, writ 4 2 Cf. for such dialogue epigrams my article in Anatolian Studies Presented to Sir William Mitchell Ramsay, pp. 341-353. For this one from Laodicea cf. Kaibel, Epigr. Gr. 387. 3 Cf. Anatolian Studies, pp. 59-91. 4 Op. cit. p. 68. |