JOHN J. DILLON, COMMISSIONER OF THE DEPARTMENT OF FOOD AND MARKETS OF NEW YORK Mr Dillon's endeavors to settle the controversy between milk producers and distributers in New York, with due regard to the interests of the farmer and the consumer as well as of the great companies, have attracted Nation-wide attention. See editorial comment A GREAT EXHIBITION OF PRIZE CATTLE This train of prize Jersey cattle contains 168 bulls and cows, the show herds of ten prominent exhibitors at the National Dairy Congress Show at Waterloo, Iowa. They are being transported to the National Dairy Show at Springfield, Massachusetts. The train will make three stops-at Indianapolis, Columbus, Ohio, and Utica, New York-for exhibition purposes. The cattle on the train are, it is estimated, worth $250,000 SOLDIERS WRITING IN A TEMPORARY TENT OF THE Y. M. C. A. AT FATHER HARVEY, OF THE ORDER OF THE HOLY CROSS OF THE EPISCOPAL CHURCH, TALKING WITH A SOLDIER IN THE ARMY Y. M. C. A. AT LAREDO, TEXAS WORK OF THE ARMY AND NAVY DEPARTMENT OF THE Y. M. C. A. ON THE MEXICAN BORDER THE LORD BISHOP OF WORCESTER, ENGLAND, ON A VISIT TO AMERICA The Rt. Rev. Huyshe Wolcott Yeatman-Biggs, Lord Bishop of Worcester, whose portrait appears above, comes to this country as one of two bishops to represent the Church of England at the General Convention of the Protestant Episcopal Church at St. Louis. See editorial comment THE NANTUCKET SUBMARINE WARFARE 371 Herald" argues that international law permits submarines to visit American ports to take on sufficient provisions for their homeward voyage" and to reduce the number of hostile merchantmen both on their in and out voyages." It adds: "We confidently hope that in the future it will make exceedingly effective use of this right." Among second-generation German-Americans admiration for the audacity of the feat and its success is modified by apprehension of unpleasant consequences for this country. They dislike having the war brought to our doors; they resent the seeming blockade of American commerce. They fear that some mistake or rashness may revive the whole submarine controversy in aggravated form. THE MILWAUKEE JOURNAL. Milwaukee, Wisconsin, Admiration for the brilliancy of Germany's exploit in operating armed submarines so far from home, rather than resentment over a possible blockade of the American coast or apprehension of breaking off diplomatic relations, is the prevailing note in Middle Western comment in the two days immediately following the U-boat raids. The incident is considered as a spectacular affair that is not likely to have any real effect in interfering with commerce. Newspapers are pointing out that, if a submarine campaign could not be waged successfully in the North Sea, it certainly could not be waged four thousand miles from home. It is noted with relief that in the submarine operations so far reported there is evidence of an attempt to comply with the requirements of international law. The possibilities of a blockade are hardly seriously considered, for the Middle West is so far from the ocean that it is not so keenly sensitive as the coast to the war on the sea. Undoubtedly, if the submarine operations should begin to affect the price of wheat the country's granary would be less placid. It is recognized that there is "dynamite" in the situation, yet there is no evidence of grave apprehension. It is not to be inferred that the Middle West is not interested. The novel development of submarine warfare is everywhere the topic of conversation. But as yet there is no indication in the comment of Chicago, St. Louis, Kansas City, Topeka, Lincoln, or Des Moines newspapers of any tense anxiety. H. J. HASKELL. Kansas City, Missouri, THE NANTUCKET SUBMARINE WARFARE Ο A POLL OF THE INTERNATIONAL PRESS N October 8, within a radius of thirty miles of the Nantucket lightship, unarmed merchant vessels were sent to the bottom by one or more German submarines. When Americans recovered from the shock of this news, they began to inquire, "What will the Hughes papers have to say?" and "What will the Wilson papers reply ?” or "What will the German-American press say?" and "What shall we hear from the foreign press ?" THE HUGHES PAPERS "A submarine sinking liners at our harbor mouths is very much like a thug who should stand at a store door with a bludgeon to attack all citizens who did their trading there." So remarks the Rochester "PostExpress." It adds: "Somehow it seems a little bit too personal in its invidiousness towards us." "It is a mad act, an act of desperation. In dire straits on land, it looks like a despairing attempt on the part of Germany to do something, goodness knows what.” So declares the New York "Telegram." These two quotations may be taken from the many expressions of disgust and resentment of the papers supporting Mr. Hughes in the present campaign. But they are not satisfied with this. Some of them dangerous possibilities, as for instance the Syracuse "Post-Standard," which says: see If by mistake the commander should attack a liner or a freighter whose right to traverse our waters without molestation is undisputed, there would be an end to the patience of the American people. Many Hughes papers also point out that we are, in some degree at least, responsible for the event. As to the judicial branch of the Government, the Newark "News" affirms that" such destruction as the German U-boats have wrought, both of neutral and belligerent ships, has been encouraged by the United States District Court decision in the case of the Appam." This was the case in which the court decided that a German prize crew could not bring a prize to our ports. The alternative, of course, for a German submarine is "the release of the prize or its destruction." Many more papers, however, bring the responsibility straight home to the executive department of the Government. The New York" Herald," for instance, asserts: The impertinence of Prussianism in sending one of its engines of "frightfulness "into a port of the United States . . . and going immediately from that port to its mission of warfare in American waters, . . . what else are these but the legitimate proofs of the [American Government's] policy of "blowing hot" at the wrong time and “blowing cold "when events demanded action that has marked the handling of our relations with Berlin from the day that Count von Bernstorff revealed his guilty foreknowledge of the dreadful crime which was to be perpetrated against American citizens and against America in the ruthless sinking of the Lusitania? Republican papers are unanimous, not only in condemning President Wilson's policy and in resolving to supplant his Administration by one under Mr. Hughes; they are also unanimous in discerning that the lesson for America is the creation of an adequate navy. For instance, the New York "Tribune " says: The new transatlantic U-boat campaign gives plain notice that the theory of American inaccessibility to European attack has been completely exploded. Our coast and our coastwise commerce will be an easy mark in war time to European raiders unless we create a navy with sufficient resources to patrol and defend our own waters. And the Chicago "Tribune :" We have witnessed another striking demonstration of the contraction of the world through the inventive genius of men and received an ominous reminder of the folly of our pacifist theorists who tell us the oceans are our defense. On the contrary, they are the open roadway of armed aggression. The Buffalo "News" concludes thus: Germany has brought the war to our own dooryard. . . . She has, with a remarkable exhibition of seamanship, shown her contempt for the United States and thumbed her nose at a Government that has shown neither red blood nor backbone. THE WILSON PAPERS An able apologist for the Wilson Administration is the Brooklyn "Citizen." It aptly asserts: If it is conceded that the raider is within his international rights in sinking British ships, it does not follow that he has an equal right or any right to sink neutral vessels. Again : It is a separate question whether he can be permitted to carry on his operations in a form that amounts to a full blockade of our ports, this being involved in the holding up of ships under the American flag, and that, too, in their passage from one American port to another. On the other hand, "to call these submarine operations a blockade of American ports is silly," replies another Democratic paper, the New York "World," and continues: German war-ships have the same right as British war-ships in the western Atlantic, and since the beginning of the war British cruisers have hovered off Sandy Hook to prevent the German merchant ships in New York harbor from making a dash to the sea. Had these merchant ships put to sea, it would have been lawful for the British cruisers to sink them as soon as they passed the three-mile limit, and the same rights adhere to German submarines operating in these waters against British commerce. There is one law for both of them. Still another New York City Wilson supporter, the "Times," places in close juxtaposition these two sentences which reveal a faith based evidently on something else than experience: The murder of the hundred Americans who went down with the Lusitania has never been atoned for. . . . The people know that they can trust President Wilson to safeguard the rights and the interests of the country prudently and wisely but firmly. In the same spirit the Springfield "Republican" voices confidence in the President, and concludes that "this foray of the German U-boat off our coast is a sporadic yet daringly conceived and brilliantly conducted exploit which matches well several other adventurous deeds in the war which have brought fame to the German navy.” THE GERMAN-AMERICAN PRESS Among the prominent German-American papers in the United States are the "New Yorker Staats-Zeitung" and "The New Yorker Herold." The first asserts that the "Times," "Herald," and other Germanophobe papers are merely mouthpieces of the |