their several parties, there would be but little encouragement for a second attempt to disturb our peace.

It is wonderful to observe, in all cases, this steady adherence to party those who ascribe it to mere corruption, and the sordid ends of private gain, see but little into the true cause; there is another principle more remote from common observation, which has a greater influence; a principle in itself more generous, though oftentimes in its consequences not less pernicious; I mean, the regard which men have for their own credit and reputation. This is the natural fruit of the best soil; every good man has it, and it is the life of virtuous actions, when its views are rightly directed. But where kingdoms are divided into opposite factions, the true standard of reputation will always be lost, and men will grow into esteem, not for their virtuous actions, but for their party merit. Hence it comes to pass that in civil disputes it is as reproachful to deviate from your leader's opinion, as it is for a private soldier to desert his general in the day of battle. The obligations of the public duty, or of private opinion, will obtain no quarter for you; for such is your case, that you may with less hazard of reproach commit almost any vice, than venture to be in the right without the support of a majority. This evil is the more to be lamented, because its infection spreads most easily among the best. Helvidius Priscus lived in the degeneracy of the empire, but had all the virtues of an old Roman; yet he was observed to be appetentior famæ, quando etiam sapientibus, as the historian remarks, cupido gloriæ novissima exuitur. But whatever may be said in excuse for this passion, in matters which a willing casuist may persuade himself to be indifferent; yet surely it is to be highly blamed, when the prosperity of our king, our country, and our religion are at stake in such a time every man should run the hazard of being true to the public, especially if he cannot desert it without being false to himself.

There is another evil, not much unlike the former, though of a different kind, which is owing also to our unhappy divisions. If, on one side, it may be sometimes difficult for men who have no ill intention to the public, to discharge their duty to it; on

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the other, there will always be some to rejoice when they do wrong; though zeal for the government never produces a more preposterous effect than when it makes men take pleasure in the number or in the perverseness of its enemies. Those who are sincerely and with any judgment in the interest of the king, have nothing more to wish than to see the hearts of all his majesty's subjects united in obedience and affection to him; or, if that is not to be obtained, to see as many as can be. But there is a little kind of men, who, mistaking their party zeal for affection to the government, seem transported when those, whom they have been taught to think their enemies, do by any misbehavior render themselves obnoxious to the present powers: as they rejoice in such misbehavior, so are they apt sometimes to provoke it, and think themselves never better intitled to plead their own merit, than when they have urged others to such things as a wise man and a friend to the government would with all his care have labored to prevent.

Under these unhappy circumstances there is more reason to wish, than there is ground to hope, for peace and unanimity at home. It is an easy matter for a few designing men to fill the people with great, and, at the same time, very unjust apprehensions from their governors; though his majesty, in his great wisdom and goodness, took at the very beginning the properest step to prevent this mischief, by declaring that he would always make the constitution in church and state the rule of his administration. As our constitution in church has many friends, so to our great misfortune has it some enemies; and as it cannot be dissembled but that the fears and jealousies on one side, so it will hardly be denied but that the hopes and expectations on the other, have been very unreasonable. And considering how people, in a state of suspicion, watch and observe each other, how naturally the fears of one increase by seeing the hopes of the other, without knowing or inquiring what ground or foundation there is for them; it will be necessary, in order to quiet the angry spirit that is among us, to suppress these hopes, as well as to allay those fears; and I pray God to reduce them both to their proper bounds, that we may all be content to obey on the same terms on which his majesty has assured us he is disposed to govern.

But above all let us take care to justify ourselves in our concern for our holy religion, which is our best plea and surest pledge of divine favor, by adorning in our lives and conversations the doctrine which we profess. We have with commend- | able zeal, on many occasions, stood in defence of our religion, at the expense of the blood and treasure of the nation: let it not be observed by our enemies, that the religion of England is a mere watch-word for an army, never valued but when it is to be fought for; and in times of peace laid by, condemned to rust, with other the useless arms and instruments of war. Our religion has domestic as well as foreign enemies; we have seen with what an uncommon zeal it has been attacked by infidels; professing not to introduce any religious persuasion, but to throw out all. These men, who deride all religion, will be found in the end to be the best agents for them who labor to bring in the worst; and the interest of our country being so united to the cause of religion, such profane liberty is destructive of our security, since every heart that is alienated from a sense of God and religion, carries off with it a pair of hands from the defence of the public.

To a zeal for true religion let us add charity, the crown of all virtues; and let us sanctify this day of our deliverance by laying aside all hatred, malice, and desire of revenge; that we may with one heart and one mind glorify God for his mercies, and implore his protection for ourselves, our king, and our country; that he would give us the blessings of truth and peace; that he would long preserve our sovereign; and that there may never want a protestant prince descended from him, to 'go in and out before his people.'

SUMMARY OF DISCOURSE VIII.

ACTS, CHAP. XX.-VERSE 35.

THESE words conclude the moving discourse of St. Paul to the elders of the church of Ephesus; his last advice, and the best legacy that he could leave them. Two things he especially recommends; the care of the church of God; and provision to be made for the necessities of the poor and helpless: the former duty in verse 28.; the latter in the words of the text. In speaking of the duty of charity, in that restrained sense of the word in which it regards only the temporal wants of our brethren, there are three things proper to be considered: I. how far, and to whom, its obligations extend: II. the objects who are duly qualified to receive charity: III. what is the blessing and reward which attend on the faithful discharge of this duty.

With regard to the first point, it is shown, by the Apostle's words and his example, that he calls on all indifferently, the elders and pastors of the church, as well as others, to labor working with their hands; and that he charges on their labor, not only the duty of providing for themselves and families, but also the care of supporting those among them who were indigent and necessitous: the measures, however, and proportions of charity not being determinate, but relative to the condition of times and persons, varying and changing with them, it must be absurd to apply the rules of charity, found in the holy Scriptures, to ourselves and our own times, without making due allowance for the difference in our circumstances and theirs to whom the rules were first directed. Hence it becomes neces

sary to consider the state of the times and persons to which those rules have reference.

The church of Christ at the first consisted almost wholly of the poor and indigent; whence St. Paul chose rather to work for his bread with his own hands, than to make his ministry burthensome to the churches, though he always asserts his right to be supported by them in his function: nor were the learning and education of the first converts much better than their fortunes; even the rulers of the church being often taken from trades and mean employments, the Spirit of God wonderfully supplying all their defects: this point enlarged on.

These circumstances of the first Christians considered, it is easy to justify the propriety of the Apostle's exhortation in the text: though it would scarcely be at this time a proper one. We must rather be exhorted to part with something out of our abundance to relieve the necessities of the poor. Those however who are able to work, who are blessed with health and strength and vigor of limbs, are rich with respect to others who are incapable, through want of limbs, or by the weight of years, to assist themselves: when therefore bodily labor was the whole wealth of the church, there was a necessity that the strong should work to support the weak; or the weak must have perished in their want and poverty. This shows the reason of such precepts, in which men are exhorted to part with something, even out of the little they can earn by the sweat of their brows.

This also will help us to understand some other passages of Scripture relating to the exercise of charity: examples given: hence also we may learn to answer the first inquiry, viz. how. far the duty of charity extends. The Apostle brings all under it who are able to labor; but this must be mitigated by the difference of circumstances between us and those whom he addressed. He pressed all to labor for the purpose of being charitable, because he had none to speak to but such as lived