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regard them but little; I mean, as to taking of my public measures by; for I find such contradiction as well as diversity, that I believe I may say, I am one of the unhappiest proprietaries with one of the best people.

"I shall henceforth expect letters from the government recounting the affairs of it, that they may be authoritative to me; and as many private ones of love and friendship as you please beside, for that I also rejoice in; and any particular advices that may inform me, as to the public, or remedy what may be amiss, or ameliorate what is in itself well, will also be very acceptable to me.

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'Now I have said this, I cannot but condole the loss of some standards in the province-honest men, and of good understandings in their kind. The Lord avert his judgments, and constrain all by his visitations, to amend, be it in conversation, or be it in peace, concord, and charity. They that live near to God will live far from themselves; and from the sense they have of his nearness and majesty, have a low opinion of themselves; and out of that low and humble frame of spirit it is that true charity grows, the most excellent way. Ah! what shall I say? There can be no union, no comfortable society without it! Oh, that the people of my province and parts annexed, felt this gracious quality abounding in them. My work would soon be done, and their praise and my joy unspeakably abound to us. Wherefore, in the name and fear of God, let all old scores be forgotten as well as forgiven. Shut out the remembrance of them, and preach this doctrine to the people in my name, yea, in the king's name, and his that is greater and above all, namely, God Almighty's

name.

"I have only to recommend to you the due execution of the divers good laws among you impartially and diligently; not neglecting the orders from hence sent, especially for peace and concord. Government is not to make, but to do, and despatch business; in which few words, and a quiet but brisk execution does best. I write to you about my quit-rents; I am forced to pay bills here, for the support of my family when there, while I have four or five hundred pounds per annum in quit-rents there. You may remember the vote of council to pay my charges in this expedition. I could draw a large bill upon the provincial council in that regard—I am sure I need it—but have forborne; though it is none of the endearingest considerations, that I have not had the present of a skin or pound of tobacco since I came over; though they are like to have most advantage by it, and promised so much.

"Pray prevent people withdrawing from us what you can. They cannot mend themselves, and they that go will find it so in a while, for I believe God has blessed that poor place; and the reason of my stay here, and the service I am, and have been, to the conscientious, shall be rewarded on my solitary province. Remember me to the people; and let them know my heart's desires towards them, and shall embrace the first opportunity to make my abode with them."

SOON

XVII.

OON after the proclamation of pardon already noticed, King James checked the rapacity of the informers about London and Middlesex by signifying his pleasure to the justices that they should withhold their encouragement from that unprincipled crew. Still, Friends were persecuted as popish recusants, particularly by the act of 23 Elizabeth, for twenty pounds a month, on account of absence from the national worship. Application being made to the king, he was pleased to grant a nolle prosequi, and gave orders to the attorney-general that no writs should be issued out of the exchequer against Friends or these accounts. Thus the ruin of great numbers of Friends was prevented, and their estates saved to the amount of many thousand pounds; a result which the labors and influence of William Penn were no doubt instrumental in producing.

The relief thus afforded may perhaps be considered as fairly included in the royal prerogative; but in the early part of 1687, the king issued a declaration of general indulgence, or liberty of conscience, by his sovereign authority and absolute power, to his subjects of all religions; ordering that thenceforth the execution of all penal laws concerning ecclesiastical affairs, for not coming to church, for not receiving the sacraments, or for any other non

conformity with the established religion, or for performing religious worship in other ways, should be suspended.

This was certainly a stretch of the royal prerogative irreconcilable with the nature of a limited monarchy Yet as the boon, so far as liberty of conscience was regarded, was nothing more than reason and justice required, the dissenters in general accepted it with gratitude. Addresses of thanks to the king were therefore presented from numerous quarters. Among others, Friends of the city of London presented one, and deputed William Penn, in conjunction with some others, to present it.

In his speech to the king, he said:

"I would not that any should think we come hither with design to fill the gazette with our thanks; but as our sufferings would have moved stones to compassion, so we should be harder if we were not moved to gratitude."

The address of the Yearly Meeting having been read, the king replied:

"GENTLEMEN-I thank you heartily for your address. Some of you know-I am sure you do, Mr. Penn-that it was always my principle that conscience ought not to be forced; and that all men ought to have the liberty of their consciences. What I have promised in my declaration, I will continue to perform as long as I live. And I hope, before I die, to settle it so that after ages shall have no reason to alter it."

It has been made a subject of censure that Friends and other dissenters should offer their acknowledgments to the king for a favor which was dispensed by the violation of a constitutional principle. A few observations will be suffi cient to vindicate the Society of Friends. Their principles

have always led them to live peaceably under the established governments, but to take no part in setting them up or pulling them down. They were not accustomed to scrutinize very closely the extent of the powers exercised by men in authority. The limits of the royal prerogative were at that time very imperfectly defined. Indeed, Sir Edward Herbert, Chief-justice of the King's Bench, had declared a few months before that there was nothing whatever with which the king, as supreme law-giver, might not dispense; and this decision was confirmed by eleven judges out of the twelve. It was not then to be expected that the exercise of this dispensing power would be disputed by those who were relieved by it from an oppressive burden. The penal laws, inasmuch as they abridged the freedom of worship, were justly considered as an usurpation of the Divine prerogative; the suspension of those laws, by royal authority alone, might therefore be viewed as counteracting usurpation. As the king had always professed himself a friend to liberty of conscience, and the measures of his government, so far as they were then developed, were not incompatible with such profession, Friends were at liberty to attribute his proclamation to justifiable motives. And they intimated in their address the necessity of a concurrent action by the Parliament, to render the measure permanent.

In the summer of 1687 William Penn again travelled, in the work of the Gospel, through various parts of England, and in the course of the journey held several meetings for worship at Bristol, where Friends had been so violently persecuted. These meetings were remarkably crowded, the people flocking to them in great numbers;

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