VI. 1785. CHAP. 7th of February 1785; and four days afterwards, eleven resolutions were passed as the basis of the proposed system. The house of lords, in that kingdom, concurred in these re. solutions on the 16th, and they were immediately transmitted to his majesty, with a joint address*. On the 22d, Mr. Pitt, by the king's command, presented them to the British house of commons; and, after they were read, he observed, that he was persuaded, there was not a man in the house, of whatever party or description, however attached or connected, who would not agree, that the settling of the commercial intercourse between the two countries, upon a firm, liberal, and permanent basis, by which an end might be for ever put to jealousies and clamor, by which all future pretexts to discontent might be removed, and by which the surest foundations of future opulence and energy might be laid, was one of the most important topics which could be agitated in parliament, and one of the most desirable objects In the house of commons there were three divisions: the first upon a question of delay, in which the numbers were 156 and 33; the second upon an amendment moved by Mr. Gardiner, which was negatived by a majority of 178 to 33; and the third was upon the address to the king, in which the minority consisted of only two. In the house of lords there was no division. VI. 1785. they could accomplish. It was not his present CHAP. intention, he said, to enter into the detail of the resolutions, which the house had just heard, and which he acknowledged he had been concerned in preparing; but to confine himself to an exposition of the general principles, on which they were founded: nor should he call upon the house to come to any decision, till sufficient time had been allowed for the examination of all the papers, which had been already, or which might hereafter be, laid on the table. He desired to recal to the attention of the house, what had been, and what was, the relative situation of the two countries. It would be recollected, that from the revolution, to a period within the memory of every man who heard him, the system had been that of debarring Ireland from the enjoyment and use of her own resources; and to make her completely subservient to the interests and opulence of this country, without suffering her to share in the bounties of nature, or profit by the skill of her citizens, and without enabling her to contribute to the common welfare and strength of the empire. Ireland was excluded from every species of commerce-she was not allowed to send the produce of her own soil to foreign markets; and all corre VI. 1785. CHAP. spondence with the British colonies had been prohibited to her, so that she could not obtain their commodities, but through the medium of Britain. This cruel and abominable restraint was as impolitic, as it was unjust and oppressive; for however instrumental it might be to the partial benefit of certain districts in this island, it promoted not the general prosperity and actual wealth of the British dominions, collectively considered. It counteracted the kindness of Providence, and suspended the industry and enterprize of man. Such was the system which had prevailed, and such the state of thraldom, in which Ireland had been kept for a period little short of a hundred years. A slight relaxation, indeed, took place in an early part of the present century; something more of the restrictive laws was abated in the reign of Geo. 2; but it was not until a time nearer to our own day, that the system was entirely exploded. It was not to be expected, but that when Ireland, by the more enlarged policy of the present age, had acquired an independent legislature, she would instantly export her produce and manufactures to all the markets in the world. She did so; and this was not all. England, without any compact or bargain, generously admitted her to a share in the trade VI. 1785. to her colonies. She gave her liberty to import CHAP. directly, and to export to all the world, except to Britain, every species of colonial produce. Thus much was done some years ago; but to this moment, the intercourse between Great Britain and Ireland themselves, remained upon the old footing. New regulations had indeed been made, in some trivial points; but no considerable alteration had taken place, either in the exportation of British manufactures to Ireland, or in the importation of Irish manufactures into Britain. That, therefore, which had been done, was still viewed by the people of Ireland as insufficient; and clamors were excited, and suggestions circulated in Dublin and elsewhere, of putting duties on our produce and manufactures, for the purpose of preventing their importation, under the name of "protecting duties." Having thus far abandoned the commercial domination, in which we had so long persevered; having so wisely and justly put the Irish into a state, in which they might cultivate, and profit from, the gifts of nature; and having secured to them the advantage of their skill and industry-having, in these respects, abolished one system, and established another; surely no one could wish the immediate communication between the two countries, in VI. 1785. CHAP. matters of trade, to continue exactly as it was. There were, he said, but two possible systems for countries situated in relation to one another, like Britain and Ireland. The one was, that of having the smaller completely subservient and subordinate to the greater-to make the smaller, as it were, an instrument of advantage to the greater, and to cause all her efforts to operate and conduce solely to that purpose. This system had been tried by Britain in regard to Ireland. The other was a participation and community of benefits, upon a principle of equality and fairness, which, without tending to aggrandize the one, or depress the other, should seek the aggregate interests of the empire. Such a system of commercial equality, in which there was to be a community of benefits, demanded also a community of burdens; and it was this situation, in which he was anxious to place Great Britain and Ireland. Mr. Pitt then proceeded to explain his plan for effecting this desirable and important purpose, as contained in the resolutions transmitted from Ireland, and which consisted of three general heads: First, it was proposed, that all foreign articles, which were now importable directly from other countries into Great Britain, should hereafter also be import |