prior engagement or stipulation with Mexico. We would, indeed, have been glad, in doing so, to have acted with the concurrence of Mexico, if circumstances had permitted-not because we believed that she had any rightful claim of sovereignty over Texas, or that the latter was not competent, of itself, to transfer the full and complete right and title to its territory; but because, in our desire to preserve the most friendly relations with Mexico, we were disposed to treat her with respect, however unfounded we believed her claim to Texas to be. It was in conformity with that desire that the instructions were given to make the communication to the government of Mexico, announcing the signature of the treaty, and our readiness to adjust all questions which might grow out of it, between the two countries, on the most liberal terms.

You will also state that you are instructed to pass over unnoticed the menaces and offensive language which the government of Mexico has thought proper to use. It makes a great mistake in supposing that the United States can be deterred, by menaces, from adopting a measure which, after mature deliberation, they have determined they have a right to do, and which they believe to be essential to their safety and prosperity. They are desirous of peace with Mexico and all other nations; but they always stand prepared to defend themselves, if need be, against any attack to which they may be subjected in pursuing a line of policy deemed by themselves just and expedient. Nor can they be provoked to retort the offensive language used. The government of the United States is too mindful of what is due to its own self-respect and dignity, to be driven, by any provocation, however uuwarranted or great, from that decorum of language which ought ever to be observed in the official correspondence of independent States. In their estimation, a good cause needs no such support, and a bad one cannot be strengthened by it.

e

From the failure of the Senate to approve the treaty of annexation with Texas, it is not deemed advisable to instruct you to make any overture or propositions to the government of Mexico in relation to that subject; but should any disposition be manifested on its parts to open negotiations, or any propositions be made in reference to it, you will receive and immediately transmit them to this depart

ment.

I am, sir, you obedient servant,

J. C. CALHOUN. TO WILSON SHANNON, esq., &c.

Mr. Howard to Mr. Calhoun.

[CONFIDENTIAL.]

[Extract.]

LEGATION OF THR UNITED STATES,

Washington, (Texas,) August 7, 1844.

SIR: I have the honor to transmit, herewith, the copy of a letter received by me, on yesterday, from the Hon. Anson Jones, Secretary of State, &c., dated the 6th instant; also copies of several documents referred to in his communication by the letters A and B; besides a copy of a letter to him from the Secretary of War of this republic; accompanying which, will also be found a copy of my reply to the letter of Mr. Jones.

Mr. Jones to Mr. Howard.

DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, (Texas,) Aug. 6, 1844. The undersigned, Secretary of State of the republic of Texas, has the honor to transmit, herewith, to General Howard, chargé d'affaires of the United States near this government, the copy of a communication from the Hon. G. W. Hill, of this date, with accompanying documents A and B, containing the information that Mexico is about to recommence active hostilities against this country.

The undersigned is aware that General Howard has already been informed of the efforts making by General Santa Anna to raise funds in Mexico, and an army of thirty thousand men, for the subjugation of Texas; and that troops in considerable numbers have already been moved towards our south western frontier, under the command of General Canalizo, of the Mexican army, an officer appointed to carry this object into effect.

The information now in possession of this government leads the undersigned to the conclusion that Mexico intends either to renew a system of predatory warfare against Texas, or else to make a formidable attempt for its conquest; and that, whichever

Correspondence with Mexico and Texas.

alternative she may have concluded to adopt, she has been induced to her course by the negotiations pending between Texas and the United States on the subject of annexation.

In view of these facts, and adverting to the assurances given to this government by General Murphy, charge d'affaires of the United States, on the 14th of February, and by Mr. Calhoun, Secretary of State, on the 11th of April last, the undersigned, by direction of his excellency the President, has the honor to request that General Howard will, as early as convenient, take the necessary steps to cause to be carried into effect these assurances, and to extend to Texas the aid which the present emergency requires.

The undersigned embraces with great pleasure this occasion to present to General Howard the assurances of his distinguished consideration and regard.

ANSON JONES.

The Hon. TILGHMAN A. HOWARD,
Chargé d'Affaires of the United States, &c.

WEPARTMENT OF WAR AND MARINE, Washington, (Texas,) Aug. 6, 1844. SIR: I am directed by his excellency the President to ask the attention of your department to the facts receity made known to this government, and contained in communications recently received from General Adrian Woll, of the army of Mexico, and Colonel John C. Hays, commanding on the southwestern frontier of Texas; a copy of the former, and an extract of the latter of which, are herewith transmitted.

The facts contained in these communications, taken in connection with other intelligence which has been received, leave no doubt of the objects and intentions of the Mexican government; and that a considerable military force is now being concentrated on the Rio Grande, with the avowed object of immediately following the attack of the cavalry alluded to by Colonel Hays, by that of a more formidable force. No doubt can, therefore, longer exist of the propriety and necessity of placing immediately on our southwestern frontier, for the defence of the nation, all the troops at the disposal of the government, whether of our own citizens, or by existing arrangements between this government and that of the United States.

I have the honor to be your very obedient servant,
G. W. HILL,
Secretary of War and Marine.
Hon. ANSON JONES,
Secretary of State, &c.

The following is the information alluded to: About ten days ago, a secret spy in my employ arrived in town, and informed me that preparations were in progress to mount on good horses a force of six hundred men, to be divided into three divisions -one of which was to proceed with rapid marches to this place, and enter the town, if practicable; if repulsed, to retreat. Immediately on their return, another division would advance with the same instructions; and so on, giving time to each division to refresh, and keep up a constant annoyance on this portion of the frontier. Two days ago he returned, confirming his previous statement; and, in addition, a communication from a gentleman whose statement cannot be doubted, confirming the report of the spy, and stating that they had already 400 fine horses purchased to mount the troops, and that their operations would commence during the month of August. This statement cannot be doubted.

*

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, &c., JOHN C. HAYS, Commanding southwestern frontier.

To the Hon. G. W. HILL,

Secretary of War and Marine.

DEPARTMENT OF WAR AND MARINE,
Washington, Texas, August 6, 1844.

I certify the within [foregoing] to be a true ex-
tract from the original on file in this office.
M. C. HAMILTON,
C. C. Dept. War.

Dec. 184 Senate and H. of Reps.

B. [Translation.]

HEADQUARTERS, Mier, June 19, 1844.

1st Brigade of the North.-Commander-in-chief. The time prefixed by the supreme government the republic for the duration of the armistice cel brated with the commissioners of Texas, on u 15th of February of the present year, having e pired, his excellency the President has been please to determine that hostilities are renewed, and d clared to exist from the 11th day of the prese month, against the inhabitants of that departmen While I apprize you of this resolution of his exce lency, I will also represent to you the fact that m government is highly indignant at the perfidious con duct of these said inhabitants towards the republic which, ever generous to them, believed they wer acting in good faith, until the contrary became man ifest by their disregard of the promises made in the same treaty of armistice, as relates to the commis sioners, according to article 4, who were to have proceeded to the capital of Mexico, in order to ar range the terms whereby their propositions might be admitted.

His excelleney the President, convinced that the honor of the nation demands that such dishonorable conduct should be punished, and that it should be understood that his motives for the delay in declining the renewal of hostilities have not proceeded from the want of the ability or of resources, but purely from motives of humanity, desires me to make this intimation.

In the performance of this duty, although the reflection that human blood must be shed is painful, yet I have the satisfaction to know that our cause is just, and that it is sustained by sacred and imprescriptible rights, in which we have no less confidence than in the valor of our troops; and the struggle once renewed, the civilized world will become the judge of our rights, while victory will crown the efforts of those who fearlessly wage the battle for their country, opposed to usurpation.

I have the honor to reiterate to you the assurance of my high consideration and esteem. God and liberty.

To Gen. SAM. HOUSTON.

ADRIAN WOLL.

Mr. Howard to Mr. Jones.
LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Washington (Texas,) Aug. 6, 1844.

The undersigned, chargé d'affaires of the United States, near the government of the republic Texas, has the honor to acknowledge the receipt of the communication of the Hon. Anson Jones, Secretary of State of this republic, of this date, together with its accompanying documents.

The undersigned is aware of the incipient steps which have been taken by the chief of the Mexican government, with the alleged purpose of invading and subjugating Texas; but how far the preparations have gone, he is not informed. He has no reason, however, to doubt the information communicated by the honorable Secretary; on the contrary, he has received similar information from other quarters. How far the relations of Texas and the United States may have excited the Mexican government to additional efforts to reconquer Texas, and hastened the renewal of hostilities, the undersigned has no means of judging. Whatever may be the cause, it cannot but be the subject of universal regret throughout Christendom that a war, of the character which has marked the relations of Texas and Mexico since the revolution of 1836, should not be brought to a close.

If, however, the recommencement of this conflict has been owing to negotiations between the governments of the United States and Texas, and if the United States have given "assurances" to "extend to Texas the aid which the present emergency requires," by which the undersigned supposes is meant military aid, in repelling the anticipated invasion by Mexico-the obligations thus incurred ought to be, and he doubts not will be, observed by his government.

The undersigned has taken occasion to re-examine the letters of the late General Murphy, of the 14th of February last, and of Mr. Calhoun, Secretary of State of the United States, of the 11th of April ensuing; he has also turned his attention to the letter of the Hon. John Nelson, Secretary of State ad interim, to General Murphy, of the 11th of March, 1844, and of the Hon. Isaac Van Zandt, of

28TH CONG.....2D SESS.

the 17th of January of the same year. The letter of the Hon. Mr. Nelson, it will be seen, limits very much the assurances given by the Hon. Mr. Murphy, and discloses in explicit language the constitutional limitations under which the executive of the United States must act in regard to the military power of the country.

The question, then, is mainly left to rest upon the letter of the Hon. Mr. Van Zandt of the 17th of January, and the answer of Mr. Calhoun of the 11th of April, 1844. Mr. Van Zandt submits the following inquiry to the Secretary of State, (Mr. Upshur:) "Should the President of Texas accede to the proposition of annexation, would the President of the United States, after the signing of the treaty, and before it shall be ratified and receive the sanction of the other branches of both governments, in case Texas should desire it, or with her consent, order such number of military and naval forces of the United States to such necessary points or places upon the territory or borders of Texas, or the gulf of México, as shall be sufficient to protect her against foreign aggression?" Mr. Calhoun, after referring to the orders given to the naval and military forces, gives the assurance that, should the exigency arise during the pendency of the treaty of annexation, the President would deem it his duty to use all the means placed within his power by the constitution, to protect Texas from invasion.

The undersigned assures the honorable Secretary of State of the disposition of his government w fulfil all her obligations to Texas, and of the deep interest felt both by the government and the people of the United States in whatever concerns her welfare; to which he will add his own anxious wish to preserve the most perfect faith towards both the government and the people of Texas. But he is not able to perceive that an assurancǝ given that the military power should be used, so far as it constitutionally might, to repel invasion during the pendency of the treaty, (to which alone both Mr. Calhoun and Mr. Van Zandt seem to have had reference,) would raise an obligation on the President of the United States to interpose, by affording military aid to Texas in the present emergency.

In communicating this opinion to the honorable Secretary of State, the undersigned is happy to know that he addresses one who is familiar with the fundamental laws and government of the United States, which prescribe certain rules of action for any public functionary.

Nevertheless, as the subject is one of great moment, and is entitled to the consideration of the government of the United States, and as the facts communicated are important, he will transmit as speedily as practicable this correspondence, with the accompanying documents, to his government, and await her instructions.

The undersigned, with the most unfeigned pleasure, takes this occasion to present to the Hon. Mr. Jones the assurance of his distinguished consideration and esteem.

T. A. HOWARD.

Hon. ANSON JONES,
Secretary of State of the republic of Texas.

Mr. Calhoun to Mr. Shannon. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, September 10, 1844. SIR: There can be no longer any doubt that Mexico intends to renew the war against Texas on a large scale, and to carry it on with more than savage ferocity. The loan she has authorized, and the expensive preparations she is making by land and sea, are sufficient proofs of the former; and the orders of the commander of the army of the north, (General Woll,) issued the 20th day of June last, and the decree of Santa Anna, general of division and provisional President of Mexico, on the 17th day of June, 1843, of the latter. The decree makes the general-in-chief of divisions of the army, and the commandant general of the coast and frontier, responsible for its exact fulfilment. It was under that responsibility, it would seem, that General Woll, to whom the Texian frontier was assigned, issued his order of the 20th June. After premising that the war was renewed against Texas; that all communications with it must cease; and that every individual, of whatever condition, who may have communication with it, shall be regarded as a traitor, and as such be punished according to the articles of war, the order announces, in its third article, that "every individual who may be found at the distance of one league from the left bank of the Rio Bravo will be regarded as a favorer

Correspondence with Mexico and Texas.

and accomplice of the usurpers of that part of the national territory, and as a traitor to his country," and, after a summary military trial, "shall be punished accordingly." And in its fourth article it also states "that every individual who may be embraced within the provisions of the preceding ar ticle, and may be rash enough to fly at the sight of any force belonging to the supreme government, shall be pursued until taken or put to death."

In what spirit the decree of the 17th of June, which the order is intended exactly to fulfil, is to be executed, the fate of the party under General Sentmanat, at Tabasco, affords an illustration. They were arrested under it, and executed, without hearing or trial, against the indignant remonstrances of of the French and Spanish ministers near the government of Mexico, who in vain invoked the voice of humanity, the sacred obligations of the constitution, and the sanctity of treaties, in behalf of their countrymen who were executed under this illegal and bloody decree.

If the decree itself was thus enforced, in time of peace, on the subjects of friendly powers, and against the remonstrances of their ministers, some faint conception may be formed of the ferocious and devastating spirit in which the order of General Woll is intended to be executed against the inhabitants of Texas, and all who may in any way aid their cause, or even have communication with them. It was under a decree similar to that of the 17th of June, 1843, and issued by the same authority on the 30th of October, 1835, but which was not so comprehensive in its provisions, or so bloody and ferocious in its character, that the cold-blooded butchery of Fannin and his party, and other Texian prisoners, was ordered by Santa Anna in his invasion of 1836.

That decree was limited to foreigners who should land at any port of Mexico, or arrive by land, being armed and having hostile intentions, or who should introduce arms and munitions of war, to be used at any place in rebellion, or placed in the hands of its enemies. As savage and outrageous as its provisions were, the order of General Woll, intended to carry out that of June, 1843, goes far beyond. It embraces every individual who may be found east of a line drawn three miles east of the Rio del Norte, without distinction of age or sex, foreigner or citizen, condition or vocation; all of every description, whether they resist or surrender, are to be treated as traitors, and all who flee are to be shot down. The war is intended, in short, to be one of utter extirpation. All that breathe are to be destroyed or driven out, and Texas left a desolate waste; and so proclaimed to the world by Mexico, in advance of her projected invasion.

The first question which presents itself for consideration on this statement of facts, is, Shall we stand by, and witness in silence the renewal of the war by Mexico, and its prosecution in this bloodthirsty and desolating spirit? In order to answer it fully and satisfactorily, it will be necessary the inquire first into her object for renewing the war at

this time.

There can be but one-and that is, to defeat the annexation of Texas to our Union. She knows full well that the rejection of the treaty has but postponed the question of annexation. She knows that Congress adjourned without finally disposing of it; that it is now pending before both houses, and actively canvassed before the people throughout the wide extent of our Union; and that it will in all probability be decided in its favor, unless it should be defeated by some movement exterior to the country. We would be blind not to see that she proposes to effect it by the projected invasion, either by conquering and subjecting Texas to her power, or by forcing her to withdraw the proposition for annexation, and to form commercial and political connections with some other power fess congenial to her feelings and favorable to her independence, and more threatening to her and our permanent welfare and safety. Of the two, the latter is much the more probable. She once attempted conquest, but signally failed, although the attempt was made under the lead of her most skilful and renowned general, at the head of a well-appointed army, consisting of her best disciplined and bravest troops, and while Texas was yet in her infancy, without a government, almost without means, and with an inconsiderable population. With this example before her, she can scarcely hope to succeed now, under a leader of less skill and renown, and when Texas has settled down under a well-estab

lished government, and has so greatly increased in

Senate and H. of Reps.

means and population. It is possible she may be overrun; but to expect to hold her in subjection, with her present population and means, at the dis tance of more than twelve hundred miles from the city of Mexico, with a difficult intermediate country, destitute in a great degree of resources, would be extreme folly. The very attempt would exhaust her means, and leave her prostrated. No! the alternative is to drive out the inhabitants and desolate the country, or force her into some foreign and unnatural alliance; and this, the ferocious and savage order of General Woll shows is well understood by Mexico, and is, in reality, the object of her policy.

Shall we stand by, and permit it to be consummated, and thereby defeat a measure long cherished, and indispensable alike to the safety and welfare of the United States and Texas? No measure of policy has been more steadily or longer pursued, and that by both of the great parties into which the Union is divided. Many believed that Texas was embraced in the cession of Louisiana, and was improperly, if not unconstitutionally, surrendered by the treaty of Florida in 1819. Under that impression, and tho general conviction of its importance to the safety and welfare of the Union, its annexation has been an object of constant pursuit ever since. It was twice attempted to acquire it during the administration of Mr. Adams-once in 1825, shortly after he came into power, and again in 1827. It was thrice attempted under the administration of his successor, (General Jackson)-first in 1829, immediately after he came into power; again in 1833; and finally in 1835, just before Texas declared her independence. Texas herself made a proposition for annexation in 1837, at the commencement of Mr. Van Buren's administration, which he declined-not, however, on the ground of The Uniopposition to the policy of the measure. ted States had previously acknowledged her ndependence, and the example has since been followe by France and Great Britain. The latter, soon after her recognition, began to adopt a line of policy in reference to Texas, which has given greatly increased importance to the measure of annexation, by making it still more essential to the safety and welfare both of her and the United States.

In pursuance of this long-cherished and established policy, and under the conviction of the necessity of acting promptly in order to prevent the defeat of the measure, the present administration invited Texas to renew the proposition for annexation, which had been declined by its predecessor. It was accepted; and, as has been stated, is now pending. The question recurs, Shall we stand by quietly, and permit Mexico to defeat it, without making an effort to oppose her? Shall we, after this long and continued effort to annex Texas, now, when the measure is about to be consummated, allow Mexico to put it aside, perhaps forever? Shall the "golden opportunity" be lost, never again to return? Shall we permit Texas, for having accepted an invitation, tendered her at a critical moment, to join us, and consummate a measure essential to their and our permanent peace, welfare, and safety, to be desolated, her inhabitants to be butchered, or drivert out; or, in order to avert so great a calamity, to be forced, against her will, into a strange alliance, which would terminate in producing lasting hostilities between her and us, to the permanent injury, and perhaps the ruin, of both?

The President has fully and deliberately examined the subject, and has come to the conclusion that honor and humanity, as well as the welfare and safety of both countries, forbid it; and that it is his duty, during the recess of Congress, to use all his constitutional means in opposition to it; leaving that body, when it assembles, to decide on the course which, in its opinion, it would be proper for the government to adopt.

In accordance with this conclusion, the President would be compelled to regard the invasion of Texas by Mexico, while the question of annexation is pending, as highly offensive to the United States. He entertains no doubt that we had the right te invite her to renew the proposition for annexation; and she, as an independent state, had a right to accept it, without consulting Mexico or asking her leave. He regards Texas, in every respect, as independent as Mexico, and as competent to transfer the whole or part of Texas, as she would be the whole or part of Mexico. To go no further back: under the constitution of 1824, Texas and Coahuila were members of the federation formed by the United States of Mexico; Texas, with Coahuila, forming one State, with the right

28TH CONG.....2D SESS.

guarantied to Texas, by the constitution, to form a separate State as soon as her population would permit. The several States remained equal in rights, and equally independent of each other, until 1835, when the constitution was subverted by the military, and all the States which dared to resist were subjugated by force, except Texas. She stood up manfully and bravely in defence of her rights and independence, which she gloriously and successfully asserted on the battle-ground of San Jacinto in 1836, and has ever since maintained. The constitution of 1824 made her independent, and her valor and her sword have maintained her so. She has been acknowledged to be so by three of the leading powers of Christendom, and regarded by all as such, except Mexico herself. Nor has she ever stood, in relation to Mexico, as a rebellious department or province, struggling to obtain independence after throwing off her yoke; much less as that of a band of lawless intruders and usurpers, without government or political existence, as Mexico would have the world to believe. The truc relation between them is that of independent members of a federal government, but now subverted by force; the weaker of which has successfully resisted, under fearful odds, the attempts of the stronger to conquer and subject her to its power. It is in that light we regard her; and in that we had the right to invite her to renew the proposition for annexation, and to treat with her for admission into the Union, without giving any just offence to Mexico, or violating any obligation by treaty, or otherwise, between us and her. Nor will our honor, any more than our welfare and safety, permit her to attack Texas while the question of annexation is pending. If Mexico has thought proper to take offence, it is we, who invited a renewal of the proposition, and not she, who accepted it, that ought to be held responsible; and we, as the responsible party, cannot, without implicating our honor, permit another to suffer in our place. Entertaining these views, Mexico would make a great mistake if she would suppose that the President would regard with indifference the renewal of the war which she has proclaimed against Texas. Our honor and our interests are both involved.

But another, and a still more elevated consideration would forbid him to look on with indifference? As strong as are the objections to the renewal of the war, those to the manner in which it is to be conducted are still more so. If honor and interest for. bid a tame acquiescence in the renewal of the war, the voice of humanity cries aloud against the manner of conducting it. All the world have an interest that the rules and usages of war, as established between civilized nations in modern times, should be respected, and are in duty bound to resist their violation, and see them preserved. In this case, that duty is pre-eminently ours. We are neighbors; the nearest to the scenes of the proposed atrocities; most competent to judge, from our proximity; and, for the same reason, enabled more readily to interpose. From the same reason, also, our sympathy would be more deeply wounded by viewing the mingled scenes of misery which would present themselves on all sides, and hearing the groans of the suffering; not to mention the dangers to which we would be exposed, in consequence, on a weak and distant frontier, with numerous and powerful bands of Indians in its vicinity.

If anything can add to the atrocity with which it is proclaimed the war will be waged, it is the bold fiction, regardless of the semblance of truth, to which the government of Mexico has resorted, in order to give color to the decree of June, 1843, and the orders of General Woll. Finding nothing in the conduct of the government or people of Texas to justify their bloody and ferocious character, it has assumed, in wording them, that there is no such government or community as Texas; that the individuals to be found there are lawless intruders and usurpers, without political existence, who may rightfully be treated as a gang of pirates, outcasts from society, and, as such, not entitled to the protection of the laws of nations or humanity. In this assumption it obstinately persists, in spite of the well-known and (excepting the government of Mexico) the universally-admitted fact that the colonists of Texas, instead of being intruders and usurpers, were invited to settle there-first, under a grant by the Spanish authority to Moses Austin, which was afterwards confirmed by the Mexican authority, and, subsequently, by similar grants from the State of Texas Coahuila, which it was authorized to issue by the constitution of 1824. They came

Correspondence with Mexico and Texas.

there as invited guests-not invited for their own interests, but for those of Spain and Mexico-to protect a weak and helpless province from the ravages of wandering tribes of Indians; to improve, cultivate, and render productive, wild and almost uninhabited wastes; and to make that valuable which was before worthless. All this they effected at great costs, and with much danger and difficulty, which nothing but American energy and perseverance could overcome, not only unaided by Mexico, but in despite of the impediments caused by her interference.

Instead of a lawless gang of adventurers, as they are assumed to be by the government of Mexico, these invited colonists became, in a few years, a constituent portion of the members of the Mexican union, and proved themselves to be the descendants of a free and hardy race, by the bravery and energy with which they met the subverters of the constitution of 1824, and successfully preserved their independence. This done, they gave a still higher proof of their descent by establishing wise and free institutions, and yielding ready obedience to the laws of their own enacting. Under the influence of these causes, they have enjoyed peace and security; while their industry and energy, protected by equal laws, have widely extended the limits of cultivation and improvements over their beautiful country. It is such a people, living under a free and well-established government, and on whose soil "no hostile foot has found rest" for the last eight years-who have been recognised and introduced as one of its members into the family of nations-that Mexico has undertaken to treat as a lawless banditti, and against whom, as such, she has proclaimed a war of extermination, forgetful of their exalted and generous humanity, when, during the former invasion, they spared the forfeited lives of him who ordered, and those who butchered, in cold blood, the heroic Fannin and his brave associates, regardless of plighted faith. The government of Mexico may delude itself by its bold fictions; but it cannot delude the rest of the world. It will be judged and held responsible, not by what it may choose to regard as facts, and to act upon as such, but what are in reality facts, known and acknowledged by all, save herself.

Such are the views which the President entertains in reference to the renewal of the war, after so long a suspension, and under existing circumstances, and the barbarous and bloody manner in which it is proclaimed it will be conducted. He instructs you, accordingly, to address, without delay, to the proper department of the Mexican government, a communication, in which you will state the views entertained by him in reference to the renewal of the war while the question of annexation is pending, and the manner in which it is intended to be conducted; and to protest against both, in strong language, accompanied by declarations that the President cannot regard them with indifference, but as highly offensive to the U. States. You are also instructed to renew the declaration made to the Mexican secretary by our chargé d'affairs, in announcing the conclusion of the treatythat the measure was adopted in no spirit of hostility to Mexico; and that, if annexation should be consummated, the United States will be prepared to adjust all questions growing out of it, including that of boundary, on the most liberal terms.

I am, sir, respectfully, your obedient servant,
J. C. CALHOUN.
WILSON SHANNON, esq., &c.

Orders of General Woll. [Referred to in the instructions of Mr. Calhoun to Mr. Shannon of the 10th of September, 1844] HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY OF THE NORTH, Mier, June 20, 1844.

, Adrian Woll, general of brigade, &c., make

known:

1. The armistice agreed on with the department of Texas having expired, and the war being, in consequence, recommenced against the inhabitants of that department, all communication with it ceases.

2. Every individual, of whatever condition, who may contravene provisions of the preceding article, shall be regarded as a traitor, and shall receive the punishment prescribed in article 45, title 10, treatise 8, of the articles of war.

3. Every individual who may be found at the distance of one league from the left bank of the Rio Bravo, will be regarded as a favorer and accomplice of the usurpers of that part of the national territory, and as a traitor to his country; and, aftor

4. Every individual who may be comprehended within the provisions of the preceding article, and may be rash enough to fly at the sight of any force belonging to the supreme government, shall be pursued until taken or put to death.

5. In consideration of the situation of the towns of Lareda and Santa Rita de Ampudia, as well as of all the farm-houses beyond the Rio Bravo, in which remain all the interests of the inhabitants of the line committed to my charge, I have this day received from the supreme government orders to determine the manner by which those interests are to be protected; but, until the determination of the supreme government be received, I warn all those who are beyond the limits here prescribed, to bring them within the line, or to abandon them; as those who disobey this order will infallibly suffer the punishment here established. ADRIAN WOLL.

Translation of a decree of the Mexican Government. [Referred to in the instructions of Mr. Calhoun to Mr. Shannon, of 10th September, 1844] DEPARTMENT OF WAR AND MARINE,

National Palace, Mexico, June 17, 1843.

I, Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna, benemerito of the country, general of division, and provisional President of the Mexican republic, hereby make known to the people, that—

Considering the criminal and destable abuse which has been, and is now, committed by many foreigners, belonging, for the most part, to na ions in peace and friendship with Mexico, in usurping its territory, invading it with arms, in fighting the troops of the republic, in robbing property, and committing other acts of violence worthy of hordes of banditti and pirates out of the pale of the laws of nations; and that the time has at length come to put an end to these evils and villanies, by exercising the rights and employing the forces used by nations in such cases, inasmuch as the same persons, whom the government has pardoned through its generos ty and clemency, have returned to try their fortune by committing new aggressions for the advancement of their nefarious ends: I have resolved, for the good of the nation, in order to preserve it from the attacks of such adventurers, and to prove the firmness with which I uphold the rights of the republic, to cause the following articles to be observed, which I have decreed in virtue of the 7th article of the Bases of Tacubaya, sanctioned by the nation:

ARTICLE 1. In future, no quarter shall be granted to any foreigner who invades the territory of the republic on his own account, whether he be accompanied in his enterprise by a few or by many adventurers; and even if he do so ostensibly with the pretext of protecting civil discords, in which a political object is set forth; and all such persons, taken with arms in their hands, shall be immediately put to death. This punishment shall be inflicted on all foreigners, from whatsoever country; because, as Mexico is at peace with all nations, every one who makes war on her does it purely on his own individual responsibility, and places kimself out of the protection of existing treaties.

ART. 2. The generals-in-chief of the divisions of the army, the commandants-general of the coast and frontier departments, and any other military authority whatsoever, who may take a foreigner in the act of invading our territory, or promoting civil war with arms in hand, shall be responsible for the most exact fulfilment of this decree; and the penalty for non-compliance with it shall be loss of employment on the part of the person responsible.

ANTONIO LOPEZ DE SANTA ANNA. JOSE MARIA TORNEL,

Secretary of War and Marine.

Mr. Calhoun to Mr. Donelson. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, September 17, 1844. SIR: Annexed hereto is a copy of a despatch recently forwarded to the late chargé d'affaires of the United States to Texas, which, should you accept the appointment conferred on you by the President, will be regarded as if directed to yourself. The package containing the original, and other papers, was delivered to Lieut. George Stevens, who, as a special messenger, was instructed to deliver it into the hands of the charge, Gen. Howard. It is not improbable that owing to the untimely death of

28TH CONG..... 2D SESS.

Gen. Howard, and the absence of any representative of the United States at the seat of government of Texas, Lieut. Stevens may return it to this depart. ment. To obviate the inconvenience which might arise from such a state of things, I forward herewith a copy of the despatch and accompanying papers. Since the date of the despatch to Mr. Howard, information has been received at this department, through Major Butler, agent for the Cherokee Indians, that Mexican emissaries, or agents of the Mexican government, are employed in instigating the Indian tribes on our southwestern frontier to acts of hostility against our citizens, and those of Texas, residing in their respective neighborhoods. This, if true, is in direct violation of the treaty of amity between the two countries, of the 5th of April, 1831; a printed copy of which I herewith forward to you, calling your attention, at the same time, to its 33d article.

There seems to be but little doubt as to the correctness of the information communicated by Major Butler; and the President instructs and authorizes you, in case the government of Texas should apply te you to fulfil the treaty obligations of the United States, to maintain peace and harmony among the several Indian nations who inhabit the lends adjacent to the lines and rivers which form the boundaries of the two countries, and to restrain, by force, all hostilities and incursions on the part of the Indian nations living within our boundaries; and if you should, upon examination, consider the grounds sufficient to warrant such application, to make requisition on either or all of the commandants of the forces at forts Jesup, Towson, and Washita, for such portions of their respective commands as may be deemed necessary for the purpose, to be marched and stationed at such points as you may, on consultation with the Texian authorities, deem best adapted to secure the object-either within the limits of the United States, or, if requested by the government of Texas, within its limits; it being understood that the objects are limited to the fulfilment of our treaty stipulations.

I herewith enclose copies of the orders which have
been issued by the proper department to the several
officers in command at the respective posts, to com-
ply with your requisition. You will take care, in
making the requisitions, to leave a sufficient force at
the respective stations to protect them and the public
property against the dangers to which, in your judg-
ment, they may be exposed.

I am, sír, with high respect, your obedient servant,
J. C. CALHOUN.

To A. J. DONELSON, esq., &c.
[Copy of a despatch from Mr. Calhoun to Mr. Howard, refer-
red to in his letter to Mr. Donelson of the 17th of Septem-
ber, 1844.]

DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, September 10, 1844.
SIR: Your despatch (No. 1) transmitted through
General Taylor, enclosing a copy of your corres-
pondence with the Secretary of State of the republic
of Texas, has been laid before the President, who
has given to it that deliberate consideration which
its importance claims.

He approves of the construction which you placed on the letter of Mr. Nelson, acting Secretary of State ad interim, to Mr. Murphy; and on mine to Mr. Van Zandt, in relation to the assurances to which the Texian Secretary of State refers in his letter to which yours is a reply. But he instructs you to assure the government of Texas that he feels the full force of the obligation of this government to protect Texas, pending the question of annexation, against the attacks which Mexico may make on her, in consequence of her acceptance of the proposition of this government to open negotiations on the subject of annexing Texas to the United States. As far as it relates to the executive department, he is prepared to use all its powers for that purpose. But the government of Texas is fully aware that they are circumscribed by the constitution within narrow limits, which it would not be possible for the President to transcend. All that he can do is, to make suitable representations to the Mexican government against the renewal of the war pending the question of annexation, and the savage manner in which it is proposed to conduct it, accompanied by appropriate protests and indications of the feelings with which he regards both; and to recommend to Congress to adopt measures to repel any attack which may be made.

In execution of the first, a communication (a copy of which is enclosed) has been addressed to our minister in Mexico, and forwarded to him by a special messenger, which, it is to be hoped, will not

Correspondence with Mexico and Texas.

be without effect in arresting her hostile movements. You will give a copy of it to the Texian govern. ment, and you will assure it that, when Congress meets, the President will recommend the adoption of measures to protect Texas effectually against the attacks of Mexico pending the question of annexation. He hopes these measures will prove satisfactory to the government of Texas, and that no serious invasion will be attempted, at least before the meeting of Congress.

I enclose a copy of a despatch to our minister at Paris, which you may show to President Houston and the Secretary of State. satisfactory to them to learn that France is not disIt will doubtless be posed, in any event, to take a hostile attitude in reference to annexation. A despatch, of a subsequent date to the one to which the enclosed is an answer, gives a conversation between Mr. Guizot and our minister, equally satisfactory as that with the King. He stated, in reply to a question on the part of our minister, that France had not agreed to unite with England in a protest against annexation.

I am happy to add, in conclusion, that the indications of public sentiment are highly favorable to the cause of annexation, and that we may now look forward, with much confidence, to the consummation of that great measure at no distant period. I am, sir, respectfully, your obedient servant, TO TILGHMAN A. HOWARD, esq., &c. J. C. CALHOUN.

A. [Confidential.]

B.

[Confidential.]

Senate and H. of Reps.

Mr. Calhoun to Mr. King.

DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, August 12, 1844. SIR: I have laid your despatch No. 1 before the President, who instructs me to make known to you that he has read it with much pleasure, especially the portion which relates to your cordial reception by the King, and his assurance of friendly feelings towards the United States. The President in particular highly appreciates the declaration of the King that, in no event, would any steps be taken by his government in the slightest degree hostile, or which would give to the United States just cause of complaint. It was the more gratifying from the fact that our previous information was calculated to make the impression that the government of France was prepared to unite with Great Britain in a joint protest against the annexation of Texas, and a joint effort to induce her government to withdraw the proposition to annex, on condition that Mexico should be made to acknowledge her independence. He is happy to infer from your despatch that the information, so far as it relates to France, is, in all probability, without foundation. You did not go further than you ought in assuring the King that the object of annexation would be pursued with unabated vigor, and in giving your opinion that a decided majority of the American people were in its favor, and that it would certainly be annexed at no distant day. I feel confident that your anticipation will be fully realized at no distant period. Every day will tend to weaken that combination of political causes which led to the opposition of the measure, and to strengthen the conviction that it was not only expedient, but just and necessary.

even

You were right in making the distinction between the interest of France and England in reference to Texas or rather, I would say, the apparent interests of the two countries. France cannot possibly have any other than commercial interest in desiring to see her preserve her separate independence; while it is certain that England looks beyond, to political interests, to which she apparently attaches much importance. But, in our opinion, the interest of both against the measure is more apparent than real; and that neither France, England, nor Mexico herself, has any in opposition it, when the subject and considered in its whole extent and in all its is fairly viewed bearings. Thus viewed and considered, and assuming that peace, the extension of commerce, and security, are objects of primary policy with them, it may, as it seems to me, be readily shown that the policy on the part of those powers which would acquiesce in a measure so strongly desired by both the United States and Texas, for their mutual welfare and safety, as the annexation of the latter to the former, would be far more promotive of those great objects than that which would attempt to resist it.

to

It is impossible to cast a look at the map of the United States and Texas, and to note the long, artificial, and inconvenient line which divides them, and then to take into consideration the extraordinary increase of population and growth of the former, and the source from which the latter must derive its inhabitants, institutions, and laws, without coming to the conclusion that it is their destiny to be united, and, of course, that annexation is merely a question of time and mode. Thus regarded, the question to be decided would seem to be, whether it would not be better to permit it to be done now, with the mutual consent of both parties, and the acquiescence of these powers, than to attempt to resist and defeat it. If the former course be adopted, the certain fruits would be the preservation of peace, great extension of commerce by the rapid settlement and improvement of Texas, and increased security, especially to Mexico. The last, in reference to Mexico, may be doubted; but I hold it not less. clear than the other two.

It would be a great mistake to suppose that this government has any hostile feelings towards Mexico, or any disposition to aggrandize itself at her expense. The fact is the very reverse.

It wishes her well, and desires to see her settled down in peace and security; and is prepared, in the event of the annexation of Texas, if not forced into conflict with her, to propose to settle with her the question of boundary, and all others growing out of the annexation, on the most liberal terms. Nature herself has clearly marked the boundary between her and Texas by natural limits too strong to be mistaken. There are few countries whose limits are so distinctly marked; and it would be our

28TH CONG.....2D SESS.

desire, if Texas should be united to us, to see them firmly established, as the most certain means of establishing permanent peace between the two countries, and strengthening and cementing their friendskip. Such would be the certain consequence of permitting the annexation to take place now, with the acquiescence of Mexico; but very different would be the case if it should be attempted to resist and defeat it, whether the attempt should be successful for the present or not. Any attempt of the kind would, not improbably, lead to a conflict between us and Mexico, and involve consequences, in reference to her and the general peace, long to be deplored on both sides, and difficult to be repaired. But should that not be the case, and the interference of another power defeat the annexation for the present, without the interruption of peace, it would but postpone the conflict, and render it more fierce and bloody whenever it might occur. Its defeat would be attributed to enmity and ambition on the part of that power by whose interference it was occasioned, and excite deep jealousy and resentment on the part of our people, who would be ready to seize the first favorable opportunity to effect by force what was prevented from being done peaceably by mutual consent. It is not difficult to see how great f ly such a conflict, come when it might, would endanger the general peace, and how much Mexico might be the loser by it.

In the mean time, the condition of Texas would be rendered uncertain, her settlement and prosperity in consequence retarded, and her commerce crippled, while the general peace would be rendered much more insecure It could not but greatly affect us. If the annexation of Texas should be permitted to take place peaceably now, (as it would, without the interference of other powers,) the energies of our people would, for a long time to come, be directed to the peaceable pursuits of redeeming, and bringing within the pale of cultivation, improvements, and civilization, that large portion of the continent lying between Mexico on one side, and the British possessions on the other, which is now, with little exception, a wilderness with a sparse population, consisting, for the most part, of wandering Indian

tribes.

It is our destiny to occupy that vast region; to intersect it with roads and canals; to fill it with cities, towns, villages, and farms; to extend over it our religion, customs, constitution, and laws; and to present it as a peaceful and splendid addition to the domains of commerce and civilization. It is our policy to increase, by growing and spreading out into unoccupied regions, assimilating all we incorporate: in a word, to increase by accretion, and not, through conquest, by the addition of masses held together by the cohesion of force. No system can be more unsuited to the latter process, or better adapted to the former, than our admirable federal system. If it should not be resisted in its course, it will probably fulfil its destiny without disturbing our neighbors, or putting in jeopardy the general peace; but if it be opposed by foreign interference, a new direction would be given to our energy, much less favorable to harmony with our neighbors, and to the general peace of the world.

The change would be undesirable to us, and much less in accordance with what I have assumed to be primary objects of policy on the part of France, England, and Mexico.

But, to descend to particulars: it is certain that while England, like France, desires the independence of Texas, with the view to commercial connections, it is not less so, that one of the leading motives of England for desiring it, is the hope that, through her diplomacy and influence, negro slavery may be abolished there, and ultimately, by consequence, in the United States, and throughout the whole of this continent. That its ultimate abolition throughout the entire continent is an object ardently desired by her, we have decisive proof in the declaration of the Earl of Aberdeen delivered to this department, and of which you will find a copy among the documents transmitted to Congress with the Texian treaty. That she desires its abolition in Texas, and has used her influence and diplomacy to effect it there, the same document, with the correspondence of this department with Mr. Packenham, also to be found among the documents, furnishes proof not less conclusive. That one of the objects of abolishing it there, is to facilitate its abolition in the United States, and throughout the continent, is manifest from the declaration of the abolition party and societies, both in this country and in England. In fact, there is good reason to believe that the

Now, I hold, not only that France can have no interest in the consummation of this grand sceme, which England hopes to accomplish through Texas, if she can defeat the annexation, but that her interests, and those of all the continental powers of Europe, are directly and deeply opposed to it.

It is too late in the day to contend that humanity or philanthropy is the great object of the policy of England in attempting to abolish African slavery on this continent. I do not question but humanity may have been one of her leading motives for the abolition of the African slave-trade, and that it may have had a considerable influence in abolishing slavery in her West India possessions; aided, indeed, by the fallacious calculation that the labor of the negroes would be at least as profitable, if not more so, in consequence of the measure. She acted on the principle that tropical products can be produced cheaper by free African labor and East India labor, than by slave labor. She knew full well the value of such products to her commerce, navigation, navy, manufactures, revenue, and power. She was not ignorant that the support and the maintenance of her political preponderance depended on her tropical possessions, and had no intention of diminishing their productiveness, nor any anticipation that such would be the effect when the scheme of abolishing slavery in her colonial possessions was adopted. On the contrary, she calculated to combine philanthropy with profit and power, as is not unusual with fanaticism. Experience has convinced her of the fallacy of her calculations. She has failed in all her objects. The labor of her negroes has proved far less productive, without affording the consolation of having improved their condition.

The experiment has turned out to be a costly one. She expended nearly one hundred millions of dollars in indemnifying the owners of the emancipated slaves. It is estimated that the increased price paid since by the people of Great Britain for sugar and other tropical productions, in consequence of the measure, is equal to half that sum; and that twice that amount has been expended in the suppression of the slave trade; making, together, two hundred and fifty millions of dollars as the cost of the experiment. Instead of realizing her hope, the result has been a sad disappointment. Her tropical products have fallen off to a vast amount. Instead of supplying her own wants and those of nearly all Europe with them, as formerly, she has now, in some of the most important articles, scarcely enough to supply her own. What is worse, her own colonies are actually consuming sugar produced by slave labor, brought direct to England, or refined in bond, and exported and sold in her colonies as cheap or cheaper than they can be produced there; while the slave trade, instead of diminishing, has been in fact carried on to a greater extent than ever. So disastrous has been the result, that her fixed capital vested in tropical possessions, estimated at the value of nearly five hundred millions of dollars, is sa.d to stand on the brink of ruin.

But this is not the worst. While this costly scheme has had such ruinous effects on the tropical productions of Great Britain, it has given a powerful st mulus, followed by a corresponding increase of products, to those countries which have had the good sense to shun her example. There has been vested, it is estimated by them, in the production of tropical products, since 1808, in fixed capital, nearly $4,000,000,000, wholly dependent on slave labor. In the same period, the value of their products has been estima ed to have risen from about $72 000,000 annually, to nearly $220,000,000; while the whole of the fixed capital of Great Britain, vested in cultivating tropical products, both in the East and West Indies, is estimated at only about $838,000,000, and the value of the products annually at about $50,000,000. To present a still more striking view of three ar ticles of tropical products, (sugar, coffee, and cotton,) the British possessions, including the West and East Indies, and Mauritius, produced, in 1842, of sugar, only 3,993,771 cwt.; while Cuba, Brazil, and the United States, excluding other countries having tropical possessions, produced 9,600,000 cwt.; of coffee, the British possessions produced

Senate and H. of Reps.

only 27,393,003, while Cuba and Brazil produced 201,590,125 pounds; and of cotton, the British possessions, including shipments to China, only 137,443,446 pounds, while the United States alone produced 790,479,275 pounds.

The above facts and estimates have all been drawn from a British periodical of high standing and authority, and are believed to be entitled to credit.

This vast increase of the capital and production on the part of those nations who have continued their former policy towards the negro race, compared with that of Great Britain, indicates a corresponding relative increase of the means of commerce, navigation, manufactures, wealth, and power. It is no longer a question of doubt, that the great source of wealth, prosperity, and power of the more civilized nations of the temperate zone, (especially Europe, where the arts have made the greatest advance,) depends, in a great degree, on the exchange of their products with those of the tropical regions. So great has been the advance made in the arts, both chemical and mechanical, within the few last generations, that all the old civilized nations can, with but a small part of their labor and capital, supply their respective wants: which tends to limit within narrow bounds the amount of the commerce between them, and forces thein all to seek for markets in the tropical regions, and the more newly settled portions of the globe. Those who can best succeed in commanding those markets, have the best prospect of outstripping the others in the career of commerce, navigation, manufactures, wealth, and power.

This is seen and felt by British statesmen, and has opened their eyes to the errors which they have committed. The question now with them is, how shall it be counteracted? What has been done cannot be undone. The question is, by what means can Great Britain regain and keep a superiority in tropical cultivation, commerce, and influence? Or, shall that be abandoned, and other nations be suffered to acquire the supremacy, even to the extent of supplying British markets, to the destruction of the capital already vested in their production? These are the questions which now profoundly occupy the attention of her statesmen, and have the greatest influence over her councils.

But

In order to regain her superiority, she not only seeks to revive and increase her own capacity to produce tropical productions, but to diminish and destroy the capacity of those who have so far outstripped her in consequence of her error. In pursuit of the former, she has cast her eyes to her East India possessions-to central and eastern Africa-with the view of establishing colonies there, and even to restore, substantially, the slavetrade itself, under the specious name of transporting free laborers from Africa to her West India possessions, in order, if possible, to compete successfully with those who have refused to follow her suicidal policy. these all afford but uncertain and distant hopes of recovering her lost superiority. Her main reliance is on the other alternative-to cripple or destroy the productions of her successful rivals. There is but one way by which it can be done, and that is by abolishing African slavery throughout this continent; and that she openly avows to be the constant object of her policy and exertions. It matters not how, or from what motive, it may be done-whether it be by diplomacy, influence, or force; by secret or open means; and whether the motive be humane or selfish, without regard to manner, means, or motive. The thing itself, should it be accomplished, would put down all rivalry, and give her the undisputed supremacy in supplying her own wants and those of the rest of the world; and thereby more than fully retrieve what she has lost by her errors. It would give her the monopoly of tropical productions, which I shall next proceed to show.

What would be the consequence if this object of her unceasing solicitude and exertions should be effected by the abolition of negro slavery throughout this continent, some idea may be formed from the immense diminution of productions, as has been shown, which has followed abolition in her West India possessions. But, as great as that has been, it is nothing compared to what would be the effect if she should success in abolishing slavery in the United States, Cuba, Brazil, and throughout this continent. The experiment in her own colonies was made under the most favorable circumstances./ It was brought about gradually and peaceably, by the steady and firm operation of the parent country, Blackwood's Magazine for June, 1944.