you will be convinced that the opponents of the Mosaic deluge have not advanced one single step in accounting for the appearances and present state of things without it, nor will any degree of talent or labour be more successful that may choose to disregard it. For as it is an event which has really occurred, it will be as impossible to form a true theory of the earth without it, as it would be to write an authentic history of England, and yet discredit or omit the Roman and AngloSaxon or Danish invasions. Looking up to the divine will and exerted power as the producing cause of the deluge, and considering the objects of its mission to be the termination of a state of human nature which had become incurably deteriorated in that form by the existing population; and to be also the commencement of a new generation and diffusion of human beings of a superior kind, and from a selected stock, that was the least vitiated by the demoralization of the rest, our next consideration will be directed to its effects, and to see what historical evidences yet remain of its occurrence. The effects will be of two sorts, those on physical nature, and those on the human race; but I will postpone my remarks on these, till we have taken a review of the traditions that exist in various parts of the world concerning this grand catastrophe; and only here observe, that the authentic narrative of it indicates that a space of three hundred days * Hesiod has preserved to us the traditions of the civilized world in his time, as to the first state of mankind, in his Weeks and Days: they have an obvious analogy with the Mosaic account. He describes the silver race as the second state of man, "much worse than the first," Toλν XεIρOTEρov, not like the golden one, either in disposition or mind. He adds the remarkable circumstance, so correspondent with that length of life which the book of Genesis gives to the first descendants of Adam: "The growing child was nursed a hundred years by his careful mother, very infantine in his home." He tells us that they frequently shortened their mature life by their follies, "for they could not abstain from mutually inflicting violence on each other, nor would they worship the immortals, nor sacrifice to the blessed ones on their altars. Therefore Zeus (the Deity) removed them, because they would not give honour to the blessed gods who inhabit Olympus."-Hesiod, Epy. v. 126-128. Here we find the longevity of the antediluvian or primitive men alluded to; their vices, and violence, and impiety, and their destruction by heaven because they were so immoral. This exactly concurs with the Hebrew narrative. But he does not mention the means by which the Deity destroyed or removed them. The Hebrew Scripture supplies this in its missioned flood. elapsed from the commencement of the dispensation, before all that had been intended and ordained was fully accomplished. During this interval, the external characters of the awful operation were those of confusion and commotion, and violent transmutations. But the confusion was but in outward seeming. The commotions, fierce and boisterous as they were in reality, were yet all strictly regulated and scientifically directed. The transmutations, however vast, and apparently for some time most anomalous in their dislocations, were all found to have been undergoing the most harmonious adaptations, and the most useful and benevolent distribution and arrangement for the future comfort of mankind. Hence, when Noah and his family descended from the ark, they found a new earth provided for them, in which all that was beautiful and picturesque to the eye, and sublime and elevating to the feelings, and rich and beauteous to their comfort and conduct, in due time appeared, and has ever since continued to subsist and recur for the delight and benefit of human kind. The day of anger and terror had passed away, and the newcreated surface displayed their Almighty Sovereign in that aspect, which is to himself the most gratifying: the aspect of paternal kindness, of condescending guardianship, and of the most gracious beneficence.* We will now consider the notions which prevailed in the *Strabo presents us with these views of the state of things after the deluge: "Plato thought that after the floods, kaтakλvoμss, three modes of civil society, TоMITsias, successively arose. First, a simple and rude life on the tops of the mountains; dreading the waters which were yet floating over the plains. Secondly, at the bottom of the mountains, they became a little bolder, as the plains began to be dried up. Thirdly, they resided in the plains. Other stages may be added to these; the last, on the seashores and on the islands, all fear having ceased. "Homer gives an example of the first, in his life of the Cyclops, feeding on fruits which grew of themselves, and dwelling on the tops of mountains, or in caves. Thus, All things sprang up to them, without sowing or labour. They have no forum, counsellors, or lawgivers, but they inhabit the tops of the lofty mountains and hollow caverns. Each was his own lawmaker to his wife and children.'Odyss. 1. v. 109. "He shows the second state in his Dardanus 'He built Dardanide. There, the sacred Ilus was not built on the plain, the city of many languaged men, but they inhabited the foot of Ida, with its numerous springs.'-Od. 13. v. 216. The third was under Ilus who dwelt on the plains: The tomb of the ancient Ilus, son of Dardanus, in the middle of the plains.'"-Od. 11. v. 160.-Strabo Geog. 592-885. world on this point of its history, or rather such of them as have been noticed by the writers we possess who have alluded to it. We shall find them to be very inaccurate and very imperfect, but as almost all the ancient writings on the history of these several countries have been destroyed, we shall find the information which we can collect, although quite sufficient to authenticate the fact of a general deluge, yet very wild, incongruous, and scanty. It occurred so long before correct and rational history began to be written out of Judea, and such a vast quantity of what was composed has been lost for ever to us, that it is more remarkable that so many intimations of it can be collected, than that more numerous allusions, more just accounts cannot now be obtained. Let us take a fair review of them as men desirous to ascertain only what is true, and therefore giving to each its due weight and estimation, and observing, likewise, what coincidences they display with the Hebrew history, amid those divergences which all traditions, and popular narratives, and foreign representations usually exhibit, wherever a solemn record has not been kept and faithfully transmitted. The Mosaic document is the only account which possesses this character.* *The vast quantity of the works of ancient writers on the history of the world which have perished since the Gothic abruptions of the Roman empire, is what very few persons have any idea of. A proportionate multitude of events narrated by them, and not in the few which have been preserved to us, has therefore passed into irretrievable oblivion. It is this loss which causes the Hebrew history to stand so insulated in its great facts, because they all took place so long before the existing histories were written. But this circumstance makes them more invaluable to us, for without them we should be in total darkness as to the real origin of things, and to all the first part of the authentic history of the world. A very long catalogue of the ancient histories which have disappeared, but which some of the classical authors have incidentally mentioned, might be made: but as a specimen only of the loss, I will notice a few which happen to be alluded to by Plutarch in only one of his works. ANCIENT HISTORIANS lost, mentioned by PLUTARCH: Aristides, Milesius, in 1 Etkελtkwv, ih.; 3 'Iσropikwv, p. 545. Χρυσερμος, in 3 Πελοποννησιακών, 545. Aristides, Milesius, 3 'Iraλikwv, 546; 40 'IT. 547, 549. Tarq. Sup. 550. Manlius, 551. Tarp. Aristides, 1 Περσικών, 546. Kallisthenes, 2 Μεταμορφωσεων, 546. Trisimachus, 3 Krioswy Found. 547. Κριτολας, 3 Επιροτικών. Alexarchus, 4 Ιταλικων, on Tullus Hostil Theotimus, 2 Ιταλικων, on Horat. Cocles. Eratosthenes, in Εριγονη, Plut. vi. p. 548. Χρυσερμος, in 2 Ιστορικών, 549. Κλειτώνυμος, in Ἰταλικ. Aretades, the Κνιδιος in 3 Μακεδ. Ktesiphos, in 3 Βεοτικων, 549. Epaminondas killed his son for disobedience, though victorious, 550. Nicias of Malea, 550. Theophilus, in 3 Ιταλικων, Roman. Clusium. Pythocles, 3 Ιταλικων, 550, Carthag. et Sicul. Meryllus, 3 Bοιωτιακών. Κλειτοφων, 1 Γαλατικων, 551, Brennus. Dymaratos, 2 Αρκαδικών. Aristides the Milesian, in Ίταλικ. in Horat. et Curat. 551. Rom. 552. ib. 3 'IT. 554. ib. Hannib. 5. 7. 61. ib. Dercyllus, 1 Κτισεων. Socrates, 2 Θρακικών. Dositheus, 3 Σικελικων, ib. 3 Ίταλ. Marius Cimb. 553. 9. 61. 1 'IT. 62. Parthenius, the Poet. Κλειτώνυμος, 2 Συβαρτικων. Theodosius, 3 Μεταμορφ Iobas, 3 Λιβυκων, 554. Juba. Esianax, 3 Λιβυκων. Δωρόθεος, 1 Μεταμορφ. 555. Μενυλος, 3 Ιταλ. 555. 'Αρηταδης Κνίδιος, 2 Νησιωτικών, 556. Insula. Σώστρατος, 2 Τυῤῥενικών. Χρύσιππος, 1 Ιταλικ. Rem. Aristotle, 2 Παραδόξων. Agesilaus, 3 Ιταλικ. Dositheus, 3 Λυδιακών, 557. Kallisthenes, 3 Θρακικ. Theophilus, 2 Πελοπ. 558. Aristoboules, 3 Ιταλικ. Doritheus, in Pelopadas. Aristeides, 19 Ιταλ. 560. 4 Ιτ. 562. Ζώπυρος Βυζαντιος, 3 Ιστορικ. Πυρανδρος, 4 Πελοπ. Αγαθων Σαμιος, 561. Δερκυλλος, 3 Ίταλ. Alex. Polyphist., 3 Ιταλ. 502. Pythocles Samnius, 3 Γεωργικων. Aristocles, 3 Ιταλ. 503. Plut. in his Parallels, vol. i. pages as marked. LETTER XVI. Ancient Traditions of the Deluge in Chaldea, Assyria, Egypt, Greece, Rome, Phenicia, Syria, Armenia, and Persia. THE most ancient account of the deluge, except that of the Pentateuch, but much later, which has escaped the ravages of time, is the narrative which Berosus has inserted in his Chaldean Annals. He lived in the period of the Macedonian dynasties, but what he mentions he declares that he compiled from the written documents kept at Babylon; so that it is their evidence we are reading when we peruse his statement. These described Chronos, one of their worshipped deities, as having appeared in a dream to the king Xisuthrus, to apprize him that mankind would be destroyed by a flood; and commanding him to build a naval vessel to contain his relations, the necessary food, and also birds and quadrupeds. The brief detail which the historian of Chaldea has thus preserved of this people's tradition and public memorials of the event, comes nearest of any others to the Hebrew account; and being derived from an independent source, and coinciding with it in the most essential points of the divine premonition and causation of the preservation of one family, and of the enjoined fabrication of a floating ark for that purpose, with the conservation of animals likewise, and even of birds sent out to ascertain the state of the coast, this Chaldean record is an impressive testimony to the reality of the catastrophe, and of its moral causes.* *This account was part of the second book of the Annals of Berosus, from which Alexander Polyhistor extracted the passage quoted by Eusebius in his Greek Chronicle, p. 8, and by Syncellus, p. 28. Berosus also narrates, that this king built a vessel five stadia long by two broad, and entered it with his wife, children, and nearest friends. The flood came, and when it abated, Xisuthrus sent out some birds, which not finding any food, returned. Some days after they again flew out, and came back with muddy feet. Put out a third time, they returned no more. Thinking from this that the ground had become cleared of the waters, Xisuthrus opened his vessel, and found it resting on a mountain, on which he descended.-Ib. Josephus also cites Berosus to the same effect, in his first book against Appion. Apollodorus likewise more briefly quotes the Chaldean historian.-Euseb. p. 5. Sync. Chron. p. 39. |