CHAPTER VII.

Amount of Paper Emission-Congress destitute of Means to sup port the War-Supplies apportioned upon the States-Exertions of the Commander in Chief-Mutiny in a part of the ArmyThe British make an Excursion into New-Jersey-The American Troops bravely resist them-The Court of France promises a Naval and Land Armament to act in America-Preparation to co-operate with it-A French Squadron arrives on the Amerirican CoastCount Rochambeau lands at Newport with five thousand Men-The American and French Commanders meet at Hartford to settle the Plan of the Campaign-The Second Division of the French Troops fails- General Arnold becomes a Traitor He Corresponds with Major Andre-Andre comes on Shore at West Point-Attempts to return to New-York by land He is taken into Custody by three Militia Men-A Board of General Officers condemn him-He is executed-Letter of General Washington on the State of the Army-Congress adopts a Military Establishment for the War-The Army goes into Winter Quarters.

1780. Two hundred millions of dollars in paper currency were at this time in circulation, upon the credit of the United States. Congress had the preceding year solemnly pledged the faith of government not to emit more than this sum, The National Treasury was empty. The requisitions of Congress for money by taxes, assessed by the authority of the States, were slowly complied with, and the supplies of money, in this way obtained, bore no proportion to the expenses of the war.

A novel state of things was in consequence introduced. Congress, the head of the Nation, had no command of the resources of the country. The power of taxation, and of every coercive measure of government, rested with the State Sovereignties. The only power left with the National Council was, to apportion supplies of provision for the army, as well as recruits of men, upon the several States.

The military establishment for 1780, consisted of thirty-five thousand, two hundred and eleven men. No

portion of these was to be raised by the authority of Congress, but in the whole transaction an absolute dependence was placed on the agency of the States.. Upon the States also specifick articles of provision, spirits, and forage, were apportioned for the subsistence of the army. Congress gave assurances that accurate accounts should be kept, and resolved, "That any State which shall have taken the necessary measures for furnishing its quota, and have given notice thereof to Congress, shall be authorized to prohibit any Continental Quarter Master, or Commissary from purchasing within its limits."

General WASHINGTON greatly lamented the necessity of managing the war by State authorities. He freely suggested to Congress the defects of their system, defects which would prevent the attainment of competent and seasonable supplies for the troops. The estimate, he observed, in all articles was below the ordinary demand, the time of reception was left in a vague manner; and no provision was made for extraordinary exigencies. No means were adopted to obtain for the use of the army any surplus of produce, which a particular State might conveniently supply, beyond its apportionment; but a State under this predicament was authorized to prohibit the National Commissary from purchasing such surplusage, whatever might be the publick wants. To a friend in Congress, he in a private letter thus freely expressed his opinion.

"Certain I am, that unless Congress speaks in a more decisive tone; unless they are vested with powers by the several States, competent to the great purposes of the war, or assume them as matter of right, and they, and the States respectively act with more energy than they hitherto have done; that our cause is lost. We can no longer drudge on in the old way. By ill timing the adoption of measures, by delays in the execution of them, or by unwarrantable jealousies, we incur enormous expenses, and derive no benefit

from them. One State, will comply with a requisition from Congress, another neglects to do it, and a third executes it by halves; and all differ in the manner, the matter, or so much in point of time, that we are always working up hill; and, while such a system as the present one, or rather want of one prevails, we ever shall be unable to apply our strength or resources to any advantage.

"This, my dear sir, is plain language to a member of Congress, but it is the language of truth and friendship. It is the result of long thinking, close application, and strict observation. I see one head gradually changing into thirteen. I see one army branching into thirteen; and instead of looking up to Congress as the supreme controlling power of the United States, considering themselves as dependent on their respective States. In a word, I see the power of Congress declining too fast for the consequence and respect which are due to them as the great representative body of America, and am fearful of the consequences,"

Although General WASHINGTON had weighty objections to the plan of Congress, he exerted himself to carry it into effect. His personal influence was greater than that of any other man in the union, and this new order of things required its full exercise. He wrote to the Executives and Legislatures of the several States, stating the critical situation of publick affairs, pointing out the fatal consequences that must flow from the inattention and neglect of those who alone possessed the power of coertion, and urging them by all the motives of patriotism and self-interest to comply with the requisitions of Congress. But each of the States felt its own burdens, and was dilatory in its efforts to promote a general interest. A system,. which in its execution required the conjoint agency of thirteen Sovereignties, was too complex for the prompt operations of a military body.

In the course of the winter forage had failed, and

many of the horses, attached to the army had died, or were rendered unfit for use. General WASHINGTON therefore struggled with almost insuperable difficulties in supplying the army. He possessed no means to transport provisions from a distance but by impressment, and to this painful and oppressive mode, he was obliged frequently to recur. The unbounded confidence placed in his patriotism, wisdom, and prudence, enabled him to carry these measures into effect, among a people tenacious of individual rights, and jealous of the encroachment of power.

The pay of the officers of the army had scarcely more than a nominal value. They were unable to support the appearance of gentlemen, or to furnish themselves with the conveniences which their situatign required. The pride essential to the soldier was deeply wounded, general dissatisfaction manifested itself, and increased the perplexities of the Commander in Chief. The officers of whole lines belonging to some of the States in a body, gave notice that on a certain day, they should resign their commissions, unless provision was made for their honourable support. The animated representation of the danger of this rash measure to that country in whose service they had heroically suffered, induced them to proffer their services, as volunteers until their successors should be appointed. This, their General without hesitation.rejected, and the officers reluctantly consented to remain in the army.

A statement of the great difficulties which the General encountered, led Congress to depute a Committee of their body to camp, to consult with him upon meat sures necessary to be adopted to remove the grievances of the army. This Committee reported, "That the army was unpaid for five months; that it seldom had more than six days provision in advance, and was on several occasions for several successive days, without, meat; that the army was destitute of forage; that

the medical department had neither sugar, tea, chocolate, wine, or spirituous liquors of any kind; that every department of the army was without money, and had not even the shadow of credit left; that the patience of the soldiers, borne down by the pressure of complicated sufferings, was on the point of being exhausted." Congress possessed not the means to apply adequate remedies to these threatening evils. They passed a resolution, which was all they could do," That Congress will make good to the line of the army, and to the independent corps thereof, the deficiencies of their original pay, which had been occasioned by the depreciation of the continental currency; and that money or other articles heretofore received, should be considered as advanced on account, to be comprehended in the settlement finally to be made." This resolution was published in general orders, and produced a good effect; but did not remove the complaints of officers or men. The promise of future compensation from a country, whose neglect was conceived to be the source of all their sufferings, they deemed a feeble basis of dependence, at the moment they were severely pressed by privations of every kind.

Murmurs at length broke out into actual MARCH 25. mutiny. Two of the Connecticut regiments paraded under arms announcing the intention to return home, or by their arms to obtain subsistence. The other regiments from Connecticut although they did not join in the revolt, exhibited no inclination to aid in suppressing the mutineers, but by the spirited and prudent exertions of the officers, the ringleaders were secured, and the regiments brought back to their duty.

The perplexities of a General, who commands an army in this situation, are not to be described. When the officers represented to the soldiery the greatness of the cause in which they were engaged, and stated the late resolution of Congress in their favour, they