become as mean and heartless as their fine acquaintance, and sink into contented parasites of title. Some (and it is these whom we address, for the others are past help), after one or two years of suffering, have pride and courage to break away from the disgraceful thraldom, and to become independent, if not happy. With large means for bestowing happiness on others, they are not happy, only because the same love of distinction which had led them amongst the dregs of "high society" wants a field wherein to be gratified with benefit to themselves and others. Retiring from "that world which consists of four thousand people who sleep in the day-time," they commonly acquire habits of monotonous inaction, or, when driven to some occupation by the force of ennui, engage in the most frivolous pursuits. The founding of a well-planned colony is a great as well as an original work. Taking part in such a work, this capable, but useless and dissatisfied class of men would kill time by action worthy of a man; displaying good qualities hardly known to themselves; indulging in the strongest, though most harmless excitement; gratified by the possession of present consequence and authority; creating an honourable ancestry for their children, and for themselves a higher distinction than mere birth ever bestowed.

*

A writer in the Quarterly Review suggests that there is another class who would do well to "In the colonies," he says,

engage in colonization.

a large proportion of the children or grand

*No. lxxviii. Art. 8.

children of the highest families in this land must be contented to fix their abode, unless they resolve to drag on a life of dependence and indigence here. It is unfortunate that these establishments should so long have been regarded as fit only for the residence of convicts, labourers, mechanics, and desperate or needy men." It is unfortunate, but not surprising. For, in the first place, the mode of treating waste land in modern colonies, has rendered every one of them a place unfit for the residence of persons accustomed to the enjoyments of civilization; and, secondly, in modern times," the children and grandchildren of the highest families in this land" have been taught to be content with "dragging on a life” not of "indigence," but of comfortable " dependence" on the public purse.

In the days of Elizabeth and her immediate successors, when the aristocracy of England seem to have been moved by a lofty and romantic spirit, persons of the highest rank used to engage in the planting of colonies, and with the same earnestness that noblemen now bring to the fox-hunt and the racecourse. In the charters under which the thirteen English colonies of North America were founded, we find the names of a great number of the most distinguished men of those times, who appear to have been proud to figure in the business of colonization as Adventurers, Trustees, Counsellors, and Patrons. But, of late years, whenever men of noble birth have taken any interest in colonies, it has been only for the sake of the public money to be obtained by holding a colonial office. If this be the kind of emigration that the Quarterly Review recommends to the younger branches

of our nobility, the advice was unnecessary; and if, on the other hand, it is proposed that such persons should colonize like the great men of ancient Greece, and of our country long ago; that is, for the sake of the gratification to be obtained by the performance of great actions; then comes a question as to the greatness of mind which includes the requisite ambition and capacity. "Adequate encouragement," says the same writer, ought to be held out to enterprising young men of rank and connexions." But what sort of encouragement? Not a place, nor an immense grant of land, by favour, to the injury of other people. Besides, where are the young men? or, rather, where is the enterprise? We pretend not to explain the fact; but surely it would be hard to find half-a-dozen young men of rank and connexions" sufficiently enterprising to be capable, without "encouragement," of exchanging " a life of dependence and indigence here" for the sort of life that he enjoys who engages, to use the words of Lord Bacon, in "the heroic work" of planting a colony.

CHAPTER V.

GOVERNMENT OF THE COLONY.

Provisional legislation by the King in Council-Appointment of Officers by the Crown-Present security for good government -Favourable promise as to the future, during the provisional state-Provision for local self-government when the population of the colony shall amount to 50,000 souls. The transportation system never to be inflicted on this colony-Apology for speaking evil of other colonies.

It was originally proposed to his Majesty's government, that the South Australian Association should be incorporated as a body politic, with powers for governing the colony until its population amounted to 50,000 souls; and that then the powers of the Association should be transferred to the colonists. Such a delegation of authority would have been in strict accordance with the leading principle of the British constitution, which may be said to govern by means of a vast number of subordinate governments exercising delegated authority for special or local purposes: and this course would have been agreeable to the nearly uniform practice of the British government in the foundation of colonies. This course, however, is desirable, only on the assumption that the supreme authority, and the chief executive authority, that is, parliament and the ministers, are too much occupied with the important affairs of the mother country to bestow much voluntary attention on the affairs of an infant and distant colony; and, further, on the obvious truth that such great rulers are not liable to any

penalty for neglecting subjects so insignificant and so far beyond the reach of observation. On no other ground is delegation of authority for the special purpose of governing a colony, the preferable mode of proceeding. As the legislative and executive authorities of England must necessarily be wholly irresponsible to a small and distant settlement in nowise represented at home, the question is, whether, of their own accord, those irresponsible powers will consult the well-being of the colony. This is a matter, not of fact, but of opinion; and one on which opinions will widely differ. Most people, it seems probable, would have concluded, if the provisional government of South Australia had been intrusted to a chartered corporation, that the colony was not an object of much interest to our great men at home; and from the fact that his Majesty's government have undertaken the troublesome task of framing laws suitable to a new colony, and the anxious one of appointing officers qualified to administer such laws, it will be inferred by many, that the success of this experiment in colonization is an object dear to the chief executive authority. If it should prove so, then the intended mode of provisional government is infinitely preferable to that of an incorporated society; for there can be no doubt that the public in England will think better of the colony for its being placed under the immediate control of the King in Council. As this point is settled, and as the question whether or not the King in Council (which means his Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for the colonies,) can find time and inclination for giving sufficient attention to the affairs of the colony, will soon be determined