LIII. 1776. notice of Franklin, and obtained from him a letter CHAP. of recommendation to his friends, Paine crossed the Atlantic in 1774, and went to live at Philadelphia. Here the newspapers, or periodical essays, first gave scope to his declamatory powers. His pamphlet, in the spring of 1776, which was entitled "Common Sense," and which expressed in clear bold language the most cogent arguments that could be devised in behalf of Independence, produced a strong effect in all the colonies, and drew forth warm praise from all the popular leaders. But it was not solely upon pamphlets that these popular leaders relied. On some occasions use was also made, not only of harangues to the soldiers, but likewise of sermons to the people. In both, so far as we can gather, historical parallels were among the favourite figures of speech. Thus, for instance, at Philadelphia we find a preacher comparing the people of Israel with the people of America, and King Pharaoh with King George.* Thus, in Massachusetts, a few months before, a British officer going out from Boston in the disguise of a countryman, saw a company of Militia exercised, and listened to the speech of their commander," very eloquent, quoting Cæsar and "Pompey, Brigadiers Putnam and Ward." + The gradual progress of the idea of Inde * American Archives, vol. vi. p. 488. † Ibid. vol. i. p. 1265. CHAP. pendence in the minds of the people may be LIII. clearly traced through the first six months of 1776. 1776. Several of the colonies sent instructions to their delegates in Congress, desiring or directing them to vote for a separation. Among the Virginians the appetite for such a measure was so keen, that they in fact resolved it for their own colony some time before any general system of that kind had received the sanction of Congress. A Committee prepared, and on the 27th of May reported to the Convention at Williamsburgh a "Declaration of 66 Rights," which at a later period served the Revolutionists of France for the model of their more celebrated Rights of Man." In that Declaration it is affirmed that the Rights which are claimed cannot exist with hereditary monarchy. For the fourth Article states, that "the idea of a "man being born a magistrate, a legislator, or a "judge, is unnatural and absurd." In other places there were symptoms less decided, perhaps, but scarcely less significant of the popular tendency. Thus, in the Maryland Convention, we find this Resolution adopted on the 25th of May, "That every Prayer and Petition for the King's Majesty be henceforth omitted in all Churches "or Chapels of the province." The Congress itself, or at least its leading members, had become by this time ripe for such a change. So far back as the November preceding, they had appointed a Secret Committee for corresponding "with the "friends of America in Great Britain, Ireland, and * LIII. 1776. "other parts of the world." By that Committee CHAP. a few months afterwards, Silas Deane, of Connecticut, was despatched on a private mission to Paris. His instructions, which bear the date of the 3d of March, direct him to inform the Count de Vergennes, the French Minister for Foreign Affairs, "that if we should, as there is a great appearance we shall, come to a total separation "from Great Britain, France would be looked upon as the Power, whose friendship it would be "fittest for us to obtain and cultivate." 66 66 Besides the other causes of alienation from England at this juncture, there was one less obvious, but probably not less real. It had been a saying of the Marquis de Montcalm, that our conquests along the St. Lawrence would hereafter lead to the severance of our own American Colonies from the parent State, and that France would thus obtain a compensation for her loss. While Canada was still in the hands of a powerful enemy, New England was compelled to lean on Old England for support. The removal of the external pressure tended to loosen this connecting tie. Such change of feeling may have wrought unconsciously with * On the first unauthorised notions of aid from France, in the autumn of 1775, see a curious passage in the Life of John Jay, by his son William Jay, vol. i. p. 39. † On the prediction of the Marquis de Montcalm, and on this whole branch of the subject, I would refer the reader to that most able Speech on Colonial Government dělivered by Lord John Russell in the House of Commons, February 8. 1850. LIII. CHAP. many, nay, with most, of those whom it affected, but as it had not escaped the foresight of a states1776. man, so did it not fail to leaven and imbue the great body of the people. Under the influence of the various motives and causes which I have endeavoured to explain, but above all, no doubt from the feeling of petitions slighted, and wrongs unredressed, the Congress now took up the question of Independence in good earnest. Early in June, a distinct proposal to that effect was moved by Mr. Richard Henry Lee, and seconded by Mr. John Adams; the latter the most conspicuous among its defenders in debate. On the other side the principal speaker was Mr. Dickinson. He observed that since the Member for Massachusetts had thought fit to commence by invoking a Heathen God, the God of Eloquence, he, for his own part, should more solemnly implore the true God, the ruler of the Universe, that if the proposed measure was for the benefit of America nothing which he should say against it might make the least impression. He then urged that a Declaration of Independence, at such a juncture, might divide the people of America, and firmly unite against them the people of England. Yet even Mr. Dickinson went no further than to counsel that some assurance should be obtained of aid from a foreign Power before they renounced their connection with Great Britain, and that the Declaration of Independence should be the con LIII. dition to be offered for such aid. So far, under a CHAP. sense of ill-usage, had the old spirit of loyalty declined! Without expressly adopting the Resolution thus before them, the Congress appointed a Committee to prepare a Declaration in the form desired. This Committee was to consist of five members, including John Adams, Jefferson, and Franklin. Jefferson, though the youngest of all, was deputed to hold the pen. In his own Memoirs may be seen the draft, as he had first framed it, with some slight amendments by Franklin and Adams, and as it was then reported to the House. Several alterations of importance were subsequently made by the Congress at large. They deemed it wiser to omit the passages which conveyed a censure on the British people, and to aim their complaints and charges as directly as possible against the King. Thus, as they imagined, they should in great measure keep clear of offence to their friends in England. On other grounds of policy they also determined to strike out a clause inserted by Jefferson, reprobating in strong terms the African slave-trade. That clause it was found would displease the Southern colonies, which had never sought to prohibit the importation of slaves, but, on the contrary, desired to continue it. "Our "Northern brethren," adds Jefferson, "also, I A sketch of Mr. Dickinson's speech will be found in Dr. Ramsay's History (vol. i. p. 339.). 1776. |