At Fort Clinton the resistance was more obstinate; but that fort also was stormed, and a considerable number of the garrison killed or made prisoners.

General Putnam had no suspicion of the real point of attack till he heard the firing, when he despatched 500 men to the assistance of the garrisons; but the forts were taken before they arrived, and consequently they returned to camp. In storming the forts, the British had about 150 men killed or wounded. Besides Colonel Campbell, Captain Stewart, Major Sill, and Count Grabousky, a Polish nobleman who served as a volunteer in the royal army, were among the slain. The Americans lost 300 men, in killed and wounded, and prisoners.

The American vessels-of-war in the river, being unable to escape, were burned by their crews, in order to prevent them from falling into the hands of the British, who removed the boom and chain, and opened the navigation of the river. Fort Independence was evacuated; and Fort Constitution, where the navigation was obstructed by a boom and chain, was also abandoned, without any attempt to defend it. The British proceeded up the river, destroying everything in their power. They advanced to Esopus, which they laid in ashes; but proceeded no farther. In this expedition, they took or destroyed a large quantity of American stores.

General Putnam retreated up the river; informed General Gates that he was unable to arrest the progress of the enemy, and advised him to prepare for the worst. But although his rear was threatened, General Gates was eager in improving the advantages he had gained over the British army, which was now reduced to the most distressing circumstances.

General Burgoyne, having been defeated in his intention of repairing the road to Fort Edward, called a council of war, which adopted the desperate resolution of abandoning their baggage, artillery, and stores; and with their arms only, and such provisions as they could carry on their backs, marching in the night to Fort Edward, crossing the river at the ford there, or at one a little above it, and forcing their way to Fort George. The distance was only about thirty miles; but the scouts who had been sent out to examine the route, reported that the two fords were all already guarded by strong detachments provided with artillery, so that the resolution which had been taken could not be executed. In these hopeless circumstances, General Burgoyne again summoned his council of war, and, by the unanimous advice of the members, opened a correspondence with General Gates, on the 13th of October; and, on the 16th terms of capitulation were agreed on, by which it was stipulated that the troops under General Burgoyne should next day march out of their camp, with the honors of war, and the artillery of the entrenchments, and pile their arms at the verge of the river; that a free passage should be granted them to Great Britain, on condition of not serving in North America during the war, unless exchanged; and that they should embark at Boston. To these a number of articles of less importance were added, relating to the property of the officers, Canadians, and loyalists, the march of the troops through New England, and other similar points. On the 17th, the British army piled their arms agreeably to the capitulation.

When the British army left Ticonderoga it consisted of about 10,000 men, exclusive of Indians; but, by the casualties of war, and by desertion, it was reduced to about 6,000 at the time of the surrender. It contained six members of parliament. General Gates had then under his command upward of 9,000 continentals and 4,000 militia. On this occasion the Americans gained a remarkably fine train of brass artillery, amounting to forty pieces of different descriptions, and all the arms and baggage of the troops. Such was the fate of that army which had excited high expectations in Britain, and which, at first, spread alarm and dismay throughout the United States of America.

In consequence of the capitulation at Saratoga, the British were unable to re

tain possession of the forts on the lakes. They therefore destroyed the works of Ticonderoga and its dependancies, threw the heavy artillery into the lake, and retreated to Isle aux Noix and St. John's.

The great error of General Burgoyne arose from his too ardent desire not to disappoint public expectation, and his unwillingness to renounce the fond hope of victory, conquest, and renown. These induced him to linger on the Hudson till retreat became impracticable. The American troops who subdued him, especially the militia, were irritated by some marauding parties of the English, who pillaged so much that the general found it necessary to threaten the culprits with the utmost severity of military law.

The convention at Saratoga ought to have induced the British cabinet to abandon the contest, on the best terms that could be obtained; for there was little probability of subjugating a people who had been able to maintain such a protracted struggle, and who, in the course of the campaign, had not only given employment to a powerful army, under Generals Sir William Howe and Sir Henry Clinton, but had also compelled another army, consisting at first of 10,000 excellent troops, commanded by active and enterprising officers, to lay down their This success elevated the spirits of the friends of congress, and increased their number. At first, the British government had not a few who were friendly to it from principle, and many more who did not oppose it from prudence. The measures of the British ministry and the conduct of their agents daily diminished the number of the first of these; and every success of the troops of congress encouraged some of the second to abandon their cautious policy, and espouse the cause of their countrymen.

arms.

The surrender of the army under General Burgoyne at Saratoga was an event of great importance in the history of the war, and produced momentous consequences both in America and in Europe. It elevated the spirits of the republicans, inspired them with confidence in themselves, gave a new impulse to their exertions in the cause of independence, and taught the British troops to respect an enemy whom before they had too much despised.

The consequences of this event were not less important in Europe. The ministry and people of Great Britain had entertained the most confident expectations of the complete success of the northern army; and the easy conquest of Ticonderoga, with its dependancies, confirmed all their fond anticipations. Therefore, when they heard that General Burgoyne's army was not only defeated, but compelled to lay down its arms, they were struck with astonishment and dismay.

The great powers on the continent of Europe had been attentive observers of the struggle between Great Britain and her colonies, and to those powers the Americans had early applied for assistance. But the strength of Britain was gigantic; and to provoke her vengeance by aiding her rebellious subjects was a danger not rashly to be encountered. Although the continental cabinets, especially that of Versailles, had not discouraged the applications of the Americans, yet they had not given them any open countenance or avowed aid. They had, indeed, afforded the provinces clandestine marks of good-will, but still preserved the semblance of neutrality. The obstinate struggle, however, which the Americans had maintained, and their success at Saratoga, put an end to this wary and hesitating policy. It was now evident that the resistance of the colonies was not merely an ebullition of popular fury, likely soon to subside or to be easily overcome, but that it was a steady and organized plan, conducted with respectable ability, and likely to be crowned with ultimate success. The court of France began to throw off the mask. It became less reserved in its communications with the American agents, gave them a public reception, and at length entered into a treaty of alliance with them.

The British parliament met on the 20th of November, and the usual addresses in answer to the royal speech were moved, but they were not carried without opposition. In the house of lords, the celebrated earl of Chatham, then sinking under the infirmities of age and disease, proposed an amendment, by introducing a clause recommending to his majesty an immediate cessation of hostilities, and the commencement of a treaty of conciliation, to restore peace and liberty to America, strength and happiness to England, security and permanent prosperity to both countries." In his speech he animadverted with much severity on the employment of the savages as auxiliaries in the war, although their aid had not been disdained under his own administration. That singular and successful man gave a striking example of the limited views and shortsighted policy even of illustrious statesmen. He believed that the prosperity of Britain depended on her American colonies, and that the loss of them would be followed by her ruin. But, in reality, the separation of those colonies from the mother-country, considered simply in itself, neither tarnished her glory nor impaired her strength. The earl of Chatham's amendment, like every other proposal of concession and conciliation, was lost; and all the measures of the cabinet were carried by great majorities. But the ministry did not long, in unmixed triumph, enjoy their parliamentary victories. The news of General Burgoyne's surrender arrived, and filled them with mortification and dismay. A deep gloom overspread the country: the formidable nature of the resistance in America to ministerial measures was demonstrated; and the movements in the ports of France rendered the interference of that country no longer doubtful, although her professions were still pacific.

The war began to assume a more portentous aspect; and the British ministry, unable to execute their original purpose, lowered their tone and showed an inclination to treat with the colonies, on any terms which did not imply their entire independence and complete separation from the British empire. În order to terminate the quarrel with America before the actual commencement of hostilities with France, Lord North introduced two bills into the house of commons: the first declared that parliament would impose no tax or duty whatever, payable within any of the colonies of North America, except only such duties as it might be expedient to impose for the purposes of commerce, the net produce of which should always be paid and applied to and for the use of the colonies in which the same shall be respectively levied, in like manner as other duties collected under the authority of their respective legislatures are ordinarily paid and applied; the second authorized the appointment of commissioners by the crown, with power to treat with either the constituted authorities or with individuals in America; but that no stipulation entered into should have any effect till approved in parliament. It empowered the commissioners, however, to proclaim a cessation of hostilities in any of the colonies; to suspend the operation of the non-intercourse act; also to suspend, during the continuance of the act, so much of all or any of the acts of parliament which have passed since the 10th day of February, 1763, as relates to the colonies; to grant pardons to any number or description of persons; and to appoint a governor in any colony in which his majesty had heretofore exercised the power of making such appointment. The duration of the act was limited to the 1st day of June, 1779.

These bills passed both houses of parliament; and as, about the time of their introduction, ministry received information of the conclusion of the treaty between France and the colonies, they sent off copies of them to America, even before they had gone through the usual formalities, in order to counteract the effects which the news of the French alliance might produce. Early in March, the earl of Carlisle, George Johnstone, and William Eden, Esquires, were appointed commissioners for carrying the acts into execution; and the celebrated

Dr. Adam Ferguson, then professor of moral philosophy in the university of Edinburgh, was nominated their secretary. The commissioners sailed without delay for America. But the present measure, like every other concession in the course of this desperate contest, came too late. What was now offered would at one time have been hailed in America with acclamations of joy, and secured the grateful affection of the colonists. But circumstances were now changed. The minds of the people were completely alienated from the parent state, and their spirits exasperated by the events of the war. Independence had been declared; victory had emblazoned the standards of congress; and a treaty of alliance with France had been concluded.

On the 16th of December, the preliminaries of a treaty between France and America were agreed on; and the treaty itself was signed at Paris on the 6th of February, 1778-an event of which the British ministry got information in little more than forty-eight hours after the signatures were affixed. The principal articles of the treaty were, that if Britain, in consequence of the alliance, should commence hostilities against France, the two countries should mutually assist each other; that the independence of America should be effectually maintained; that if any part of North America, still possessing allegiance to the crown of Britain, should be reduced by the colonies, it should belong to the United States; that if France should conquer any of the British West India islands, they should be deemed its property; that the contracting parties should not lay down their arms till the independence of America was formally acknowledged; and that neither of them should conclude a peace without the consent of the other.

Lord North's conciliatory bills reached America before the news of the French treaty, and the American legislature referred the bills to a committee of their number, which, after an acute and severe examination, gave in a report well calculated to counteract the effects which it was apprehended the bills would produce on the minds of the timid and wavering. They reported as their opinion, that it was the aim of those bills to create divisions in the states; and "that they were the sequel of that insidious plan, which, from the days of the stamp act down to the present time, hath involved this country in contention and bloodshed; and that, as in other cases, so in this, although circumstances may at times force them to recede from their unjustifiable claims, there can be no doubt but they will, as heretofore, upon the first favorable occasion, again display that lust of domination which hath rent in twain the mighty empire of Britain." They further reported it as their opinion, that any men, or body of men, who should presume to make any separate or partial convention or agreement with commissioners under the crown of Great Britain, should be considered and treated as open and avowed enemies of the United States. The committee further gave it as their opinion, that the United States could not hold any conference with the British commissioners, unless Britain first withdrew her fleets and armies, or in positive and express terms acknowledged the independence of the states.

While these things were going on, Mr. Silas Deane arrived from Paris, with the important and gratifying information that treaties of alliance and commerce had been concluded between France and the United States. This intelligence diffused a lively joy throughout America; and was received by the people as the harbinger of their independence. The alliance had been long expected; and the delays thrown in the way of its accomplishment had excited many uneasy apprehensions. But these were now dissipated; and, to the fond imaginations of the people, all the prospects of the United States appeared gilded with the cheering beams of prosperity.

On the 29th day of the preceding October, John Hancock, one of the first