other colony, or to Britain, to be tried, if it should appear to the governor and his council that an impartial trial could not be had in the province. Those acts did not pass without opposition. There were persons in parliament who had discernment enough to perceive the pernicious tendency of such measures; but the plan of the ministry was supported by docile majorities in both houses. On the 10th of May intelligence of the port bill reached the town. Such a rigorous measure was wholly unexpected, and excited the liveliest indignation against its authors. The act was immediately printed on paper with a black border, and hawked about the streets as a bloody, cruel, and inhuman murder.

The inhabitants of Boston were not long left in uncertainty and suspense with respect to the sentiments and conduct of the other provinces concerning the port bill. The rest of the colonies had opposed the introduction of the tea as firmly as they, although, from peculiar circumstances, the proceedings had not been equally vigorous at any other port. They were considered as suffering in the common cause; and the other colonies gave them prompt assurances of co-operation and support. The people of the other sea-port towns of Massachusetts Bay, instead of taking advantage of the calamity of their neighbors in Boston to increase their own commerce, generously offered them the use of their wharves and warehouses for carrying on their trade.

Before the 7th of June the people of Boston had received assurances of the lively sympathy of the other colonies, and of their active co-operation in the cause of American freedom. Emboldened by such support, they determined to act with unabated vigor. The assembly met at Salem on the 7th of June; resolved on a general congress, to meet at Philadelphia on the 1st of September; nominated five of their members to attend it; voted the sum of 500l. for defraying their expenses; and recommended to the several towns and districts of the province to raise this sum, according to their proportion of the last provincial tax, which was readily complied with. On being informed of these proceedings the governor dissolved the assembly.

An active correspondence was now carried on between the leading men of the several provinces; and corresponding committees were everywhere established. The cause of the inhabitants of Boston daily became more popular; and the sentiments of the people of New England rapidly gained ground throughout the continent. There were a few persons not unfriendly to the claims of the British government; but at town meetings their efforts were vain, as they were opposed by overwhelming majorities.

Throughout the country the press was chiefly in the hands of persons friendly to the people; and that powerful engine was actively employed in supporting the cause of the colonies, and contributed not a little to fan the growing flame. The sufferings occasioned by the port bill, in Boston and its vicinity, exasperated the people without either intimidating or subduing them; they saw that it was intended either to terrify or compel them to unconditional submission; and they determined to repel force by force. They seized every opportunity of providing themselves with muskets, and other military accoutrements. Many of them, indeed, in conformity to the militia laws, were already in possession of firearms, and all were desirous of improving themselves in the use of them. With the musket they were familiarly acquainted from their earliest years; and having been much exercised in hunting, were dexterous marksmen. Many imagined that this, combined with patriotic ardor, would supply the defects of military discipline and want of military habits. A warlike spirit pervaded the provinces, and the note of preparation for battle was everywhere heard. The parties had ill calculated each other's strength; the colonists had but a very imperfect knowledge of the formidable power of Britain, and the British government had

formed no just estimate of the unanimity and vigor of the colonists; else both parties would have been much more cautious.

While the people were so active in their preparations, General Gage was not an inattentive or idle spectator of their proceedings. Apprehensive of resistance to his authority, he had soon after entering on his government ordered two regiments of infantry and a detachment of artillery to Boston. This body of troops was gradually increased by reinforcements from Ireland, New York, Halifax, and Quebec, and was encamped on the common and narrow neck which connected Boston with the main land. The presence of these troops alarmed the townsmen, and greatly increased the jealousy of the country people. The Boston committee did everything in their power to render the situation of the military disagreeable; and privately counteracted every measure tending to promote their comfort. They dissuaded the farmers and others from selling them straw, timber, boards, and every other article, except the provisions necessary for their subsistence. If purchases were made by the agents of government, care was taken that the articles did not reach the camp in safety: the straw was burned; vessels with bricks were sunk; carts with wood were overturned; and, in one way or other, purchases were either prevented, or the commodities destroyed before they reached the camp.

A guard was stationed on Boston Neck, ostensibly with a view to prevent the desertion of the soldiers; but it was considered by the Americans as intended to cut off the communication between the town and country, and to compel the inhabitants of Boston to submit unconditionally to the acts of the British parliament. Inflamed by rumors of this kind, the inhabitants of Worcester county assembled, and despatched messengers to Boston, to ascertain what degree of credit was due to these reports. Those messengers assured the people of the town that, if any attempt should be made to compel them to surrender their rights, several thousands of armed men were ready to march to their assistance; and that if they should yield up their liberties, the people in the country would not consider themselves parties in their submission, nor bound by their deed.

The events of almost every day tended not only to keep alive but to increase the mutual irritation. The inhabitants of Salem were invited by a hand-bill to meet on the 25th of August, in order to concert measures for opposing the late acts of parliament. On the 24th, the governor issued a proclamation prohibiting the meeting. But the proclamation was disregarded: the people assembled Troops were sent to disperse them; but before the arrival of the troops the business was finished, and the assembly dissolved.

Everything wore a portentous aspect. The people were highly exasperated; the governor was irritated and alarmed. Perhaps no human prudence could have long delayed hostilities without abandoning the British claims; but the conduct of the governor hastened matters to a crisis. He fortified Boston Neck; and before daybreak, on the 1st of September, sent a party of soldiers across the river Charles, and removed a quantity of provincial powder which had been lodged in the arsenal at Charlestown, a small town opposite Boston. The news of this transaction spread rapidly through the country; and several thousands of the inhabitants of the neighboring towns, mostly armed, soon assembled at Cambridge. They proceeded to the houses of several gentlemen who had been named counsellors under the late act; and those gentlemen found it expedient to resign their appointments, and to declare that they would not fill any office under the obnoxious bills. It was with difficulty that this multitude was dissuaded from marching to Boston, to demand the restoration of the powder, and to attack the troops in case of refusal.

This tumultuary meeting gave rise to a rumor, which circulated throughout New England with amazing rapidity, that the troops were firing on the town of

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Boston; and in less than twenty-four hours, between thirty and forty thousand men were in arms, some of whom marched upward of twenty miles on their way toward Boston before they were satisfied that the rumor was false. This circumstance greatly encouraged the most daring of the popular leaders, who resolved to keep up and cherish the public agitation by holding an assembly of delegates from the several towns and districts of the county of Suffolk, of which Boston is the capital, to consider what course was to be pursued in the present posture of affairs. This assembly met on the 9th of September; and after a spirited preamble, daringly resolved, "That no obedience is due from this province to the late acts, but that they be rejected as the attempts of a wicked administration to enslave America: that so long as the justices are appointed or hold their places by any other tenure than that which the charter and the laws of the province direct, they must be considered as unconstitutional officers; and, as such, no regard ought to be paid to them by the people of this country; that it be recommended to the collectors of taxes, and all other officers who have public money in their hands, to retain the same, and not to make any payment thereof to the provincial county treasurer, until the civil government of the province be placed upon a constitutional foundation, or it shall be otherwise ordered by the proposed provincial congress: that the persons who have accepted seats at the council-board, by virtue of a mandamus from the king, have acted in direct violation of the duty they owe to their country: that this county do recommend it to all who have so highly offended, and have not already resigned, to make public resignation on or before the 20th day of this month of September: that all refusing so to do shall, after said day, be considered as obstinate and incorrigible enemies to this country that the fortifications begun and carrying on at Boston Neck give reason to apprehend some hostile intentions against that town that the late act establishing the Roman catholic religion in Quebec is dangerous in an extreme degree to the protestant religion, and to the civil rights and liberties of America: that whereas our enemies have flattered themselves that they shall make an easy prey of this numerous and brave people, from an apprehension that they are unacquainted with military discipline; we therefore, for the honor and security of this county and province, advise that such persons be elected in each town, as officers in the militia, as shall be judged of sufficient capacity, and who have evinced themselves the inflexible friends of the rights of the people; and that the inhabitants do use their utmost endeavors to acquaint themselves with the art of war, and do, for that purpose, appear under arms at least once every week."

After passing these decisive resolutions, the meeting despatched copies of them to the general congress, which had met at Philadelphia on the 5th of the month, for their opinion and advice on the subject. The congress approved of the Suffolk resolutions, and resolved unanimously, "That this assembly deeply feels the sufferings of their countrymen in the Massachusetts Bay, under the operation of the late unjust, cruel, and oppressive acts of the British parliament; that they most thoroughly approve the wisdom and fortitude with which opposition to these wicked ministerial measures has hitherto been conducted; and they earnestly recommend to their brethren a perseverance in the same firm and temperate conduct as expressed in their resolutions; trusting that the united efforts of North America in their behalf will carry such conviction to the British nation of the unwise, unjust, and ruinous policy of the present administration, as quickly to introduce better men and wiser measures."

The Suffolk resolutions openly set government at defiance; and congress, by approving their resolutions, virtually raised the standard of rebellion, and set the colonies in hostile array against the parent state. Thus, step by step, the provinces were brought into a condition which a short time before they would

have contemplated with regret. Many of the colonists, however, still fondly cherished the hope that the quarrel would be settled without an appeal to arms. Between the unwary and obstinate policy of his superiors, and the determined opposition of the subjects of his government, General Gage was placed in unpleasant and difficult circumstances; but to the committee from the county of Suffolk, which waited upon him, his language was firm and temperate.

The people of New England, who had impatiently waited for the opinion of congress on the Suffolk resolutions, were much elated with the approbation of that body; and, considering its resolutions as a pledge of support from the other colonies, they proceeded with increased courage in the bold career on which they had entered.

Georgia had not yet joined the confederation; but twelve colonies had sent delegates to the general congress, which consisted of fifty-two members, beside the president. All these delegates had received instructions from their respective constituents; and some of the instructions were more moderate than others but all of them authorized the delegates to concur in any measures which the majority thought it expedient to adopt. In the congress each colony had only one vote, although it had several delegates present.

The congress chose Peyton Randolph as their president, and Charles Thomson secretary. The resolution in approbation of the Suffolk meeting was the first business in which they engaged. In a subsequent resolution, passed on the 8th of October, they declared, "That if the late acts of parliament shall be attempted to be carried into execution by force, in such case all America ought to support the inhabitants of Massachusetts Bay in their opposition: that if it be found absolutely necessary to remove the people of Boston into the country, all America ought to contribute toward recompensing them for the injury they may thereby sustain; and that every person who shall accept, or act under any commission or authority derived from the act of parliament, changing the form of government and violating the charter, ought to be held in detestation."

The congress deliberated with shut doors, and consequently none of its proceedings were known, except such as it thought proper to publish; but the papers which it communicated to the world were important, and had a powerful influence on subsequent events. They published a declaration of rights to which the colonists of North America were entitled by the immutable laws of nature, the principles of the British constitution, and their several charters or compacts. As the first of these rights, they mentioned life, liberty, and property; the power to dispose of any of which, without their consent, they had never ceded to any sovereign power whatever. Their ancestors, they said, at the time of their emigration, were entitled to all the rights, liberties, and immunities of free and natural-born subjects of the realm of England: that by their emigration they had not forfeited, surrendered, or lost any of those rights; but that they and their descendants were entitled to all of them which their circumstances enabled them to exercise. They stated, that the foundation of English liberty, and of all free government, is a right in the people to participate in their legislative council;. that as the colonists are not, and from various causes can not be represented in the British parliament, they are entitled to a free and exclusive power of legislation in their several provincial legislatures, where only their right of representation can be preserved, in all cases of taxation and internal policy, subject only to the negative of their sovereign, in such manner as had heretofore been used.

They asserted their right to trial by their peers of the vicinage; pronounced a standing army, kept up in time of peace in any colony, without the consent of the legislature of that colony, illegal; and maintained that a legislative council, appointed during pleasure by the crown, was unconstitutional: they also entered into a non-importation agreement.

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"But

At the same time they prepared an address to the people of Britain, in which they warned them that, if they supported ministers in attempting to subdue and enslave the American colonies, they would forge chains for themselves. care," said they, " that you do not fall into the pit preparing for us." if you," they afterward add, are determined that your ministers shall wantonly sport with the rights of mankind; if neither the voice of justice, the dictates of the law, the principles of the constitution, nor the suggestions of humanity, can restrain your hands from shedding human blood in such an impious cause, we must then tell you that we will never submit to be hewers of wood and drawers of water for any ministry or nation in the world. Place us in the same situation that we were in at the close of the last war, and our former harmony will be restored."

Congress addressed a memorial to their constituents, replete with serious and temperate argument. In this paper, they detailed the causes which had led to the unhappy differences, and labored to convince the colonists that their liberty would be destroyed, and the security of their persons and property annihilated, by submission to the claims of Great Britain. They addressed a letter to the inhabitants of Canada also, and endeavored to interest them in their cause. That they might in no respect be wanting to themselves, congress prepared a petition to the king, in which they gave a succinct statement of their grievances, implored his clemency for protection against them, and imputed all their distresses, dangers, and fears, to the destructive system of colonial administration which had been adopted since the conclusion of the last war. They expressed their belief that, as his majesty enjoyed the singular distinction of reigning over freemen, the language of freemen could not be displeasing to him. "Your royal indignation," say they, "we hope will rather fall on those designing and dangerous men who daringly interpose themselves between your royal person and your faithful subjects, and, by abusing your majesty's authority, misrepresenting your American subjects, and prosecuting the most desperate and irritating projects of oppression, have at length compelled us, by the force of accumulated injuries, too severe to be any longer tolerated, to disturb your majesty's repose by our complaints."

The addresses of congress were written with much ability, and its recommendations were revered and obeyed as sacred laws throughout the colonies. The congress having finished their labors, and recommended the appointment of a similar assembly, to meet on the 10th of May next, unless a redress of grievances had before that time been obtained, dissolved themselves on the 26th day of October.

Originally formed of heterogeneous materials, differing in manners, religious sentiments, and civil constitutions, the colonies, for a long time, had no common feelings and interests. They had even been alienated from each other by local prejudices and provincial jealousies; but the dread of a common danger had gradually overcome all those principles of repulsion, and united the twelve provinces, from New Hampshire to South Carolina, in one compact body. They were embarked in a common cause, and relied on each other for mutual support. By meeting in congress, the leading men in the several provinces had become personally acquainted; and their sentiments of reciprocal respect and friendship strengthened the bonds of political union. It was not, therefore, to be expected that they would recede from their claims without a violent struggle.

The province of Massachusetts Bay was the more immediate seat of the quarrel; and the popular leaders in that colony, assured of the co-operation and support of the other provinces, were not intimidated by the menacing attitude of the governor, but persevered steadily in the execution of their purposes.

The violence of the people against all whom they considered unfriendly to American freedom was so great, that the commissioners of the customs, and all