"well, the time has come when we may be quiet, and let them run it now." No it has not. The Peace movement had its foundations and its support for fifty years in religious principles, in loyalty to the principles of the Sermon on the Mount, and let me say to you in my concluding point, that that is the strength of the Peace movement to-day, and that is felt in the Conference. I was remarkably struck with the profound respect shown by the 100 men of that Conference for all the friends of Peace who were there. They are there from Austria, England, Belgium, Holland, Italy and other parts, and the members of the Conference showed the profoundest respect for them and the principles they hold; and the time has now come when we can proclaim, with a greater freedom and boldness and assurance of success than we ever did, the great principles on which our Peace movement is founded, that war is not only contrary to the spirit and the teaching of the Lord Jesus Christ, but that it is contrary to reason, and it is also contrary to all the highest and the best interests of humanity; and it is the duty of men and women everywhere, as fast as they come to that knowledge, as fast as they come to that law, as fast as they come to see that high ground, to renounce now and for ever the whole business of the war system from their private life and in all their relations to public life. That is what made the splendour of the great career of your distinguished statesman and orator, John Bright. As the Chairman said, his famous speech thrills us by its splendid sentences. So, friends of the Peace movement, members of the Peace Society, and all its friends, let me say to you, as a serious parting word, be true to your principles; do not let them down one bit. Do not trim them down to meet any policy, but stand where you have always stood; for as sure as the world came to us on the question of slavery, and to-day slavery is everywhere and universally recognised as inherently and radically wrong, the day is not far off when not only shall swords be beaten into ploughshares, and spears into pruning-hooks, but when, as Victor Hugo once said, in his great speech at the opening of the Peace Congress in 1849, men shall look upon a cannon in a museum as they look upon an instrument of torture to-day, with amazement that such a thing could ever have been. The work, therefore, is still your work. While you thank God for the diplomatists, and for this great gathering, the work is still yours as well as ours on on the other side of the sea; and we still have long years of toil, of sympathy, of financial contribution, of prayer and waiting, before we shall have the complete fulfilment of all our hopes.

Mrs. SHELDON AMOS seconded the Resolution. She said :I have worked so often with, and have sat so often at the feet of Friends, when they, in good nature, stirred my enthusiasm, or made me desire to help, that I am so much at home here that I do not wonder that our friends used small ceremony in putting me to second, instead of doing what I had been asked to do, that is, to move the second Resolution. I believe that they also felt that a woman wanted the last word, and I am very glad to have it. My words will not be many, for it is late, but I want to say that we women have had very little notice to-night, and that I believe that the future of the Peace movement lies in our hands. It is not for nothing that women have come to the front as never before. A woman has had a great deal to say with regard to this Conference. We are proud to see that the Tzarina has had a great deal to say with the Tzar. We are proud to know that when people come into contact with that illustrious pair they find them talking English, and English Christian affairs. It is not for nothing that the first meeting for a Treaty or preparation for a Treaty, of Arbitration, or Peace Conference (of which you have published so splendid a resume in this little book which you have recently brought out), for the first time in the history of the world is received by a woman, a girl of eighteen. It is the girls who are going to rule the world. Now I want you to think of that for this reason. Men have always expected of women distinct ideas of life and death. The world began with a murderer, who was driven by the Lord from society; and then comes the story, six generations later, of the man who killed two young men-he thought he was justified in doing so-and went to talk to two women about it, to see if they agreed with him. History will repeat itself. These glorious warriors who talk a great deal about the honours of war-and take the money, for they are not above that-are always thinking of what the women will think about what they are doing; and it is

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our fault that the idea of glory has been allowed to attach to war. What fools we women have been-what fools we are! Just imagine that all the length of the centuries it has been a commonplace to say that whatever the horrors of war may be for men, they have fallen much more hardly upon the women and children; and men who said they regretted it have allowed it to go on. We are not going to let it go on; we have done with it. Just as in our households, so in public life, the carrying out of the man's will falls to the woman. The man says, "I will not have such extravagant expenditure," "I will not have this thing happen in the house, or that thing," but it is the wife who has to translate it into fact. That is what falls to us now. We have to translate the whole of the principles of the Peace Society into actual fact. As Lady Carlisle so effectively reminded the members of the Women's Federation the other day, we have to turn the world upside down; we women have to give a new meaning to glory. It is not glorious to have fought and to have conquered a nation; it is not glorious to have been instrumental in killing the young men of your own nation; it is not glorious to have desolated other countries, unless you change the meaning of the word glory, and take the word infainous to be the word of praise, but we have to proceed in a very much quieter way. You know I did not intend to say a word that was not quiet, because I was reading the other day, in Pepys' Diary, and I thought how interesting it would be to look at George Fox's Diary for the same year, and see how different England looked from that standpoint. I found there a sentence, we consider Peace with its inconveniences is generally preferable." I think that is the quietest thing a Friend ever said. I wanted to say to women, to myself and to others, although my day for some of it has gone by, that everything depends upon the way in which we train our children, everything depends upon what we say to those boys, everything depends upon the way in which we manage to train those girls. As Canon Barnett and Mr. Pickersgill were speaking of the poor people in the East end I thought how charming to those ill-housed, ill-taught, ill-fed masses of the Eastend it must seem to belong to a splendid organisation such as a fine regiment seems as it passes along. How fine the young men, with their well-set shoulders and manly stride, and scarlet, look to the girls. We have got to change the scarlet. I saw the other day, I think in the Contemporary, an article which said that the soldier when he leaves the army finds that he cannot take up the ordinary occupations of life until he has got out of that martial training. It is not the true human training, it is not the thing that best develops the body, it is not the thing that makes him most fitted to live and do the work of the world. Therefore it is that we want to knock all the ideas that are current about everything that has to do with war and military life on the head, and we can only do it by attacking it line upon line, precept upon precept, here a little and there a little, in the nursery and in the schoolroom. Will you talk about it at the next School Board election? I am sure we shall hear from our American friends what barm has been done between America and England by badly designed school books. One of the things that has led to the change of feeling between the two countries has been the introduction of better and more carefully prepared histories. I do not believe in military toys; I do not believe in boys' brigades. I do not believe in Methodist ministers writing popular books and giving them away as prizes, under the title of "Fights for the Flag.' These are not the things for our bookshelves. But let us be at it; let us set to work, and not be ashamed and afraid of being called Puritanical-of being what the Scotch call" pawkie."

--

Mr. R. J. WICKSTEED, LL.D., B.A., B.C.L., of Ottawa, Canada, supported the resolution. He said: I did think at this late hour of giving Mrs. Amos, the last speaker, her wish, and letting her have the last word, but perhaps, as you have listened with eagerness and earnestness to the inspiring words, I might almost say, of the representative from America -as they are pleased to call themselves-you might perhaps bear with patience a few words from Greater America. That might need explanation, but you have only to look at the map to see that Canada, in territorial extent, though not in population, is far greater than the Republic of North America. Having signed the Petition to the Tzar, and having accompanied the Deputation to the Russian Ambassador, I did wish to hear a little more of the subject from the other speakers I knew I should meet here, and I expressed my desire to your able and accom

plished Secretary. He went a little further than I wanted him to in asking me to say a few words on behalf of Canada, with reference to the previous wars, and breakings of the Peace, and with regard to the possibility of Arbitration which might have put an end to all these occurrences. On each of these occasions, when blood and money were poured out like water, if these ignorant masses had not been moved by the words of selfseekers and demagogues, but had proceeded by Arbitration, and had the merits of their cases argued before tribunals such as will meet after 1900, they would have had time to cool their blood, and there is not one of these cases, where as I say blood was shed and bad will promoted, that would not have passed off quietly and peacefully. All I am going to say at this hour with regard to Arbitration is that it is an effort to bring before the people the true state of the case. They see how matters stand, they hear them argued, they are put before them by the Press and by the speakers, and the result is, as I said, coolness and calmness. I will conclude by reciting that last stanza which occurs in the advice of Wolsey to his secretary

"Still in thy right hand carry gentle Peace,

To silence envious tongues. Be just, and fear not :
Let all the ends thou aim'st at be thy country's,

Thy God's and truth; then if thou fall'st, O Cromwell,
Thou fall'st a blessed martyr."

The Resolution was unanimously adopted.

Mr. THOMAS PUMPHREY, J.P., moved a vote of thanks to the Chairman and speakers. He said-I have attended a great many anniversaries of the Peace Society, but I think we have seldom had put before us so many choice thoughts, full of hope and cheer, and we must feel under a great obligation to the lady and gentlemen who have spoken to us. I move that we accord our hearty thanks to them for their kindness.

Dr. DARBY seconded the Resolution, which was cordially adopted

The CHAIRMAN replied, and

The meeting closed with the Benediction.

MR. JOHN MORLEY ON CURRENT QUESTIONS. MR. JOHN MORLEY, who is President of the Forest of Dean Liberal Association, delivered in that capacity. on Thursday evening, May 25th, an address, which was bristling with strong points against the prevailing Jingo Imperialism and Militarism, and in favour of Peace. His references to "sane Imperialism are deserving of careful reading. Imperialism, he said, sometimes seems to mean commercialism, sometimes militarism, sometimes Africanism. His remarks on the re-acquisition of the Soudan, and his scathing condemnation of the barbarous and senseless treatment of the Mahdi's body were endorsed by his audience. His warning as to the effects of Imperialism comes as a timely thing. "Ah, Imperialism!" he ejaculated. "You talk of Empire. Take care of the very serious mischiefs or effects of aspirations which are now fascinating, apparently, no inconsiderable portion of our people. See what a reaction all these extensions of dominion at any price, without question being asked, are going to produce in the character of our people, if it is allowed to continue.

Cobden and Bright he eulogised as the true Empire builders. "With their Free Trade they were the men who laid the foundations of the present Empire." The Government's cowardly finance met with his severe reprobation. How are this Government preparing for a rainy day? They are arresting the payment of the Debt. After all, Empires and States are not so very different, in fundamental principles, from individuals; if you and I were so unfortunate as to owe seven hundred millions-(laughter)-if we were in debt, and we were making a magnificent income, and we knew for certain that by-and-by the eye would become dim and the natural force abated, and we should not be able to make this large income, we should do the best we could to get rid of this debt now. But the Government, from cowardice, from a miserable desire to get five minutes' popularity, chose the other course (hear, hear).”

Lord Salisbury's ideas on property, readjustment of taxation, the siren cries of expansion, our relations with the Transvaal, and other matters, were touched upon, and the magnificent address closed with the following peroration :

THE PEACE CONFERENCE.

"Now, I confess that my mind's eye turns more than anywhere else to that old town in Holland-(cheers)—in all the tranquillity of its canals and gardens and woods-where astute diplomatists and expert commanders by land and by sea are now assembled, to try if they cannot find some alleviation at least of this great curse, which at the present time weighs upon Europe, and not only upon Europe, but upon other parts of the world. Holland is a land of lasting renown in European history. It is a small country, not much bigger than Wales: but to those who know the history of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries Holland fought a battle for human freedom, for light, both in speech, in belief, and in the Press, which has certainly not been surpassed by any of those large, swollen military Empires which now surround her. (Cheers.) I hope that Holland may be the scene of one more great and memorable contribution to the cause of human progress. (Cheers.) We all hope it; we all, without distinction of party, hope it. (Hear, hear.) And I may say, though we are a party meeting to-night, that I am sure Lord Salisbury will do all that he can. (Cheers.) Lord Salisbury's skill and courage in coming to an understanding with France and with Russia about serious open and controversial matters is a good omen. It shows that Lord Salisbury is on the side of a reduction of all the mischiefs and miseries of war. (Cheers.) But I am disappointed, I will admit, at some of the signs of opinion in this country. It seems to me that, for the moment, a change has come over the ideals of a portion of this country. Even the demon of war now finds those who say smooth things of it. A German professor who is at this Conference at the Hague wrote something the other day, and said: Well, if war does nothing else now, you cannot deny that it is very useful for improvements in the art of surgery.' (Laughter.) That is rather a fine point. (Hear, hear.) But in this country I cannot forget-I wish I could-that at a meeting of the Congregational Union, at a critical moment last year, language was used -conscientiously used, I do not doubt, and that only makes it worse-after all, it was said, there were worse things than war, and they were not for 'Peace at any price,' and so on. I think it may be said with certain honourable exceptions, like that of the Bishop of London, for instance that the clergy have been less strenuous in pressing upon the conscience of this country the momentousness of peaceful issues than you, at all events, would have expected them to be. (Hear, hear.) I read the other day, in the current number of a very important magazine, an article by a clergyman, in which he thinks it right to mock at what he calls the Sunday-School conscience' of Mr. Gladstone. ('Shame.') It used to be the fashion at public dinners to first propose The Army and Navy,' and then by and by The Bishops and Clergy.' But if this goes on, these toasts will have to be fused into one, and we shall have 'The Army, Navy, Reserve Forces, and the Ministers of all Denominations.' (Loud laughter.) But, let the Conference do or try to do what it will, that won't relieve each one of us from our own individual duty and responsibility. (Hear, hear.) When all these diplomatic manoeuvres and protocols are done and I think they will be abundant and intricate-they must all depend for their efficacy on the spirit of the nations, upon the peoples themselves. Let us, let you and me, say to one another, Let others have what ideals they like-Imperialist, military, or African ideals, let them have what ideals they like-we, at all events, will keep a vivid and active ideal, in our hearts and minds, of Peace, not as a thing to be dreamed about and hoped for, but as a thing to be actively worked for. Let it be that, when our short day in this world is over, and when the hour strikes for our going down into the valley of the shadow, we may at least be able to think that we have never given a vote, nor said a word, nor thought a thought which would dissociate the greatness of the country, of which we are proud to be citizens, from the cause of Peace which in our case is also the cause of wisdom and of strength." (Cheers.)

ANNUAL MEETING OF THE PEACE UNION AUXILIARY OF THE PEACE SOCIETY.

THIS meeting was held at Devonshire House, 12, Bishopsgate Street Without, on May 24th.

Miss PECKOVER, who occupied the chair, alluded to the hopeful conditions of the present time, events of the last few months

having been favourable beyond what we could have dared to hope, and clearly manifesting the working of God. She spoke of the value of prayer, especially in connection with the meeting of the Peace Conference at the Hague, and mentioned the women's movement for simultaneous meetings here and on the Continent, on the eve of the assembling of the Conference.

Mr. BENJAMIN F. TRUEBLOOD, of the American Peace Society, having just returned from the Hague, gave an interesting account of the influence there of the Baroness von Süttner, exercised socially, and in quiet ways, in her intercourse with the great personages of the Conference. This was taken by the speaker as a type of one kind of power which women may exercise in favour of Peace. Speaking of the lamentable growth of the war spirit in America, Mr. Trueblood showed that, during the years following the Civil War, the young generation then growing up had inherited the military spirit. This bias they still retain as grown men, and the result has been a readiness to fly to war on the least provocation, giving rise at last to the terrible struggle with Spain. The war spirit can best be checked in its earlier stages, and the home is the place in which to do it. As mothers, and in all their work for children, women have great power in this direction; and this power should be well used both in the family and in the school.

Mr. J. H. MIDGLEY, J.P., afterwards gave a forcible address, showing the utter inconsistency of present-day militarism with the Christianity and civilisation claimed by the European nations. This inconsistency is perceived by some among us, chiefly by our working people, in whose minds there is often a profound longing for real and lasting Peace. The memorial on the Tzar's manifesto by prominent labour leaders was one evidence of this. The middle classes in some degree share this feeling, but in the socalled upper classes there is a large amount of Jingoism and Imperialism, masked under the name of patriotism. "Our country, right or wrong," has been a too prevalent feeling lately. Professions of Peace have been united with threats of war; and even in the recent Peace Crusade some of the speeches have read like advocacy of the Navy League. The difficulty of finding recruits for the army has been one cause of the encouragement given to Boys' Brigades, and to military drill in schools. Lord Meath has developed the latter idea so as to include working-class boys; attempts have been made in Glasgow to make military drill compulsory; and letters have been written to the Press advocating the subsidising of Boys' Brigades by the War Office. In strong contrast to this stands the movement commenced at Colne, for instituting Life-Guard Brigades, having for their object the training of boys, not in the art of slaughter, but in the saving of life. The present mania for seizing territory in all parts of the earth, supposed to be justified by necessity, is really nothing else but international burglary, and the burglars do not hesitate to kill.

Are these acts really inspired by a longing to spread the benefits of civilisation and Christianity? Do not the supposed interests of trade, the desire to find new markets, and the wish to outwit other European raiders ever enter into the question?

It matters little whether or not we are called unpatriotic because we oppose these things. Let us strive to keep down our own passions and the passions of international enmity; let us endeavour more and more to stem the tide of hatred and distrust, so being in touch with the best thoughts of the best men, and, what is more, working for our Master, who gave his life for the world.

Some short observations from the Secretaries of branches, Rev. J. Lloyd James, of March, and Miss M. Spencer, of Lincoln, followed.

BOOK NOTICES.

QUAKER CAMPAIGNS IN PEACE AND WAR, by William Jones. [Headley Brothers, 6s.] We cannot speak too highly of this interesting book. It is readable from beginning to end, and we strongly recommend our members to secure it for themselves. To most of them the name of the author is already familiar, and they remember his work in France as one of the Commissioners sent by the Society of Friends to distribute relief to the distressed non-combatants around Metz, etc., and later his connection with the Peace Society as Secretary. In these pages we are introduced to Franco-German War scenes, Sicilian brigands and Bulgarian atrocities; we travel with the author through Europe, Australasia, China, Japan, and the United States, having interviews with scores of men destined to live in the world's history. The book opens with the great wars of Napoleon, and ends-in hope and thankfulness—with the Peace Conference at the Hague. The volume has eleven illustrations, including an excellent portrait of the author.

THE STORY OF WILLIAM PENN, by Frances E. Cooke. [Headley Brothers, Price 1s. 6d]. Miss Cooke, who is also author of "An English Hero," "A Boy's Ideal," etc., here presents us with an able picture of the man who did so much for Peace and Civil and Religious Liberty in his day, and who "affords an example for all, and an encouragement to us in our easier lives to shun compromises, and to stand firm to principle in trifling affairs, as well as in the great causes which need our support. The book is very tastefully got up, and contains four illustrations. HIS BROTHER'S KEEPER, by Charles M. Sheldon. [Ward, Lock & Co. Paper 6d., Cloth 18., Do. gilt 1s. 6d., and superior edition 2s. 6d.]. This book needs no introduction. Mr. Sheldon has already leaped into fame. We may, however, refer to the excellence of the paper and printing, and the general get-up of this series.

May 19th, 1899.

(Signed) WALTER LEAN, A.C.A. HOWARD BROOKS,

Hon. Auditors,

PUBLIC LIBRARY

ASTOR. THE SUN F.

:

[PRICE 1d.

New York Society, was founded in August, 1815 (and in order of time was, therefore, the first of the Peace Societies), and the Massachusetts (Boston) Society on December 26th, 1815. Therefore, unless a child is personally identical with his parents, the Peace Society is the oldest existing Peace Society. But, as will be seen, it is also true that the American Peace Society represents an organised movement which dates back to 1815, and was, therefore, the older of the two (by a few months), as stated at the Annual Meeting. The question is important only as involving accuracy and disposing of the suspicion of misrepresentation.

JUSTICE, too, seems to require another correction. It is still the fashion, at some of our Peace gatherings, to criticise the Christian Churches, as if they were wholly indifferent to the question of Peace and War. This is unjust. We will admit frankly that the Churches are not doing their duty; that any adequate conception of the authority of the Prince of Peace, and the meaning of the Divine method of the Cross, and the place of the Gospel of Peace in the message of the Churches, would make them a Peace Society in such a sense that there would not be occasion, or even room, for any other.

BUT any unqualified blame of the Churches is possible only by ignoring what they have done; and when the blame is mingled with, and is intended to emphasise, praise of special work, such as the Peace Crusadewhich is mainly due to the Churches-the thing becomes ludicrous as well as unjust. For what is the fact? The extraordinary public response of this country to the proposals of the Tzar was, for the most part, the action of the Churches of the land, without any exception. Their response was immediate. The Rescript was issued at the end of August. The movement of meetings held in support of the Tzar were so numerous the Churches began in September; and the public that Lord Salisbury referred to them, in his reply to the Emperor's invitation, before the Crusade had birth. Scarcely a Church in the land but passed its resolution of approval and appeal. The meeting at St. James's Hall, at which the Crusade was announced, was only one of some 8,000 held on the same day, for similar advocacy. The meetings clustering round the Crusade numbered at least 1,000 more. Members of Christian Churches were the backbone of the Crusade itself. And while its 240 towns' meetings, from the nature of the

case, made a bigger splash, the 10,000 or more meetings which constituted the national response must be taken into account in judging of what the Churches and their ministers have done. We would like them to do more, as we have said; but let us ungrudgingly give them credit for what they have done and are doing constantly.

WHILE the country is hovering on the verge of war with South Africa, it will be well to recall the nature of our recent doings in that quarter of the world. A German, who was a trooper in the Mashonaland Mounted Police, dispatched in 1897 by the Chartered Company to quell the "rebellion" in Mashonaland, has just published his reminiscences of that campaign "A Year in Rhodesia," by F. W. von Wernsdorff, published by Otto Janke, Berlin. The book has little or no literary merit, and the author is no "Trooper Halket," but the incidents described are full of significance.

ONE passage in the work is worthy of notice just now. We refer to the destruction of the Mashona warriors who had taken refuge in caves, the account of which the author concludes as follows:-"After a few salvoes had been fired into the caves to drive the blacks as far as possible into the interior, two cases of dynamite were pushed in, to which lighted fuses were attached. In a few minutes a thundering crash was heard, and then all was silent. Escaping men who were captured by pickets stated that the pressure of air in the cave had been fearful, and had killed and wounded many of their fellows. Those who were still alive refused to come out, and our chiefs found it necessary to repeat the experiment several times; then, after waiting a few days, we were bound to believe that of the hundreds of fugitives none were left alive. A terrible stench coming out of the cave assured us finally of the truth of this supposition." Are we going to repeat this sort of thing in South Africa?

THEN as to the causes of our quarrel with the Transvaal, a former dweller in Rhodesia, signing himself "Lobengula," writes to The Star, in regard to British Rhodesia, as follows:-"The Legislative Council of Rhodesia is a farce, which, if offered to the Uitlanders of the Transvaal, would be rejected with scorn. Had I your permission, Mr. Editor, I could a tale unfold about the tactics of the Chartered Company during the recent elections. Mr. Rhodes is far more stubborn than the President of the neighbouring Republic, but he has his reasons. Perhaps if Mr. Kruger gave way on the franchise question his country might gradually slip through his fingers, but in the case of Mr. Rhodes it is inevitable; the moment he gives the full and free franchise to the people of Rhodesia-the lack of which in the Transvaal was the ostensible cause of the Raid -at that moment will the people commence to throw off the oppressive yoke of officialdom and toadyism which now permeates all, from the managers to the coloured office-boy, and from that time forward will the Chartered Company lose the hold they have on their country; the administration will be for the people by the people, and not by a gang of toadies for the benefit of a company. We shall yet see a huge

petition from the people of Rhodesia praying her Majesty's Government to release them from their present unhappy lot, and do for them what they have pledged themselves to do for the Uitlanders in the Transvaal.”

WILL the nation, at the invitation of Mr. Chamberlain and Sir A. Milner, go to war to compel the Boers to do what the British would not think of doing? Meanwhile the condition of things in South Africa is most ominous. There seems a determination on the part of the Colonial Office to make the continuance of Peace impossible, and, in effect, to do by other means what the Jameson Raid failed to accomplish. Do the people of this country realise what is afoot, and that the success of the present method would involve a crime as great as that which they repudiate? It would, in fact, be a more colossal crime. For the Raid, had it succeeded, would have been a snatch affair, involving at most the loss of only a few lives. This will be a deliberate holocaust in which the forces of the Empire will be employed to carry out a plan of wholesale massacre, and in which the war, if successful, will involve terrible losses to the victor. Why should it be persisted in? It is not necessary to discuss the merits of the quarrel. Whatever they may be, the Transvaal Republic have repeatedly asked that they be referred to Arbitration; our Government has as often contemptuously refused. To persist in war under the circumstances will be not only most criminal, but will involve such a violation of the laws of righteousness that must inevitably recoil upon the Empire. The Minister that cannot preserve Peace under such circumstances is guilty of high treason. To an impartial looker-on it would seem as if there were contemplated a repetition of the Raid, by the means of diplomacy leading up to war, and with no greater justification than the Raid itself had.

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THAT great writer in South Africa, who is, to say the least, as much a British subject as the editor of the Globe himself, and as much entitled to be called English" as the leader of the British House of Commons, or of her Majesty's Opposition, after eloquently referring, in her latest manifesto, to the Peace that is to-day in the land, and to the daily blending of the two great white races during this time of Peace, asks, "What great and terrible and sudden crime has been committed, what reckless slaughter and torture of the innocents that blood can alone wash out blood? What great and terrible difference has suddenly arisen, so mighty that the human intellect cannot solve it by means of Peace, that the highest and noblest diplomacy falls powerless before it, and the wisdom and justice of humanity cannot reach it, save by the mother's drawing a sword and planting it in the heart of the daughter?