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The Chairman, in his opening address, referred to the previous meeting in the town, when a resolution in favour of the Tzar's Rescript was passed, and said it was thought necessary to call a further meeting to give expression to their support. The words of Christ "Whatsoever ye would men should do to you, do ye so unto them," were words spoken par excellence in the cause of Peace. Apart from the Christian aspect of the cause, it was necessary to break this spirit of militarism, and stop this iniquitous business, in favour of education. He gave statistical figures relating to the expenditure of the various great countries of the world, showing what a tremendous increase had been going on in the military expenditure of the countries, comparing the figures spent in education with them. In concluding his address, he read the manifesto of the Tzar, and said it was owing to the issuing of that that all these meetings were being held to thank the Government for their acceptance of the invitation to the Conference, in the earnest hope that it would lead to great and good results. He then formally moved a resolution welcoming the Rescript, and heralding it as a new era when war should cease, thanking the Government for their prompt acceptance of the invitation, and expressing the earnest desire that the Conference would recognise the fact that the teaching of the Lord Jesus Christ was the only standard which Christian nations recognised in dealing with each other, and formed the true basis of Peace. Mr. G. H. Latchmore seconded.

Dr. Darby supported the resolution by a discussion of the various aspects of the Tzar's proposals, especially urging the need of supplementing current advocacy of the Peace question by em. phasising the Christian standard to which reference was made in the resolution.

Miss Reynolds spoke briefly regarding the memorial to the Tzar, and Miss Henrietta Brown also addressed the meeting, when the resolution was put and carried unanimously. A second resolution was passed by which a local branch of the Peace Society was formed in Luton, and a Committee of ladies and gentlemen appointed to launch it. A number of delegates were also elected to attend the Peace Convention in London on the 21st.

TOTTENHAM.

At the large P.S.A. which assembles in the Public Hall, Tottenham, Dr. Darby delivered a much appreciated address on "The P.S.A. and the Progress of the World," on Sunday afternoon, March 19th, the chair being occupied by the President of the P.S.A. Society.

In the evening, Dr. Darby gave an address in the same building, to a public gathering, on the "Tzar's Rescript," and the supplemental teaching of Christianity. This address also was much appreciated.

SWANSEA.

A meeting, convened under the auspices of the Peace Society, was held at Mount Pleasant Chapel, Swansea, on Wednesday evening, March 22nd, when the Mayor of Cardiff presided, and Rev. Dr. Darby, of London, attended and discussed the Rescript of the Tzar. There were three or four ministers present-the Rev. James Owen, the Rev. Oscar Snelling, the Rev. J. W. Caustontwo or three councillors-the Mayor (who presided), Alderman David Harris, and Alderman Aaron Thomas-and other prominent local gentlemen.

The Mayor, in opening the meeting, said he regretted there was not a larger attendance. The question of a general peace was one which seriously affected them all. He was very much struck when he saw in the papers the suggestion of the Tzar, and he thought it very extraordinary, coming, as it did, from the greatest autocrat in the world. There were other autocrats among the European nations, but as the proposal came from the biggest, the others could not look upon it with jealousy. Continuing, his Worship said he considered when an autocrat like the Tzar proposed a general peace, there was a chance for the democratic nations to join with him. Personally, he considered there was no event in the history of the world, for the happiness of the people, so important as that of a general disarming among the nations, and whatsoever the result was, he believed it would mark an epoch in the history and welfare of the world.

In the course of an admirable address, Dr. Darby discussed the proposals of the Russian Emperor, the prospects of the forth

coming Conference at the Hague, and the Peace question generally.

A vote of thanks was accorded to the lecturer on the motion of the Rev. James Owen, and a similar vote of thanks to his Worship for presiding was also given, the meeting being enlivened by an anthem on Peace, rendered by the church choir.

GRAYS.

On Sunday, March 26th, Dr. Darby addressed the flourishing P.S.A. at the Congregational Church, Grays, Essex, the Rev. H. Davis Bull, the pastor of the Church, presiding. The interest of the meetings was increased through the presentation at the close of the address by Mr. Herbert E. Brooks, on behalf of the Royal Lifeboat Institution, of an illuminated address and aneroid barometer to the Captain of a river barge, and an illuminated address to his mate, for the saving of life effected by them in Sea Reach during a dark and stormy night in October last.

MILITARY TRAINING IN SCOTLAND.

To the Editor of The Dundee Courier.

SIR,-There is a change-not so much in the weather as in the times-a change that the young cannot see, although it is so great as to have assumed the verisimilitude of a national trait of character. I speak as a lenient observer, and not as a harsh critic, of a change in bonnie Scotland as marked as if her geological features had been marred by devastating earthquakes. This change is a revolution greater in magnitude than could have been produced by any civil war. It is of manners, customs, and circumstances in which the present generation live and move and have their being, and yet cannot see, because to it it seems always to have been. Those who have never been out of Scotland cannot duly appreciate the changes-for better, for worseduring the last generation. After a generation's absence I return to my beloved native land to find the inhabitants strangers, and the names of my familiar friends on tombstones only, and the ubiquitous change is forced upon me, and I perceive that the greatest, most fundamental, and already productive change is in the system of education. National spirit is as volatile and unchangeable as human nature, but Scotland is a producer and exporter of a special brand of brain. Scotland's climate, mountains, and traditions imbue this Scottish brain with a birthright of living poesy that no foreign clime or fortuitous circumstance ever eradicates. It is the most impressionable of human clay, and its received impressions are as lasting as burned bricks. Dreamy imaginations and hard matter of fact form its strongest blend. It can with equal case lift its possessor into the beautiful psychological atmosphere of Scottish philosophy or crush him into the gloomiest despair, where the wildest visions are to him sad realities while they last. The Scottish bairn is an apt animal, and a generation under the new scholasticism is not a development so much as a new creation. It is a beautiful formation, standing on a much higher plateau than the old Doric, but it has less moral stamina, less sympathy, and less religious faith, although much more physical activity and evanescent verve, and, like the German Emperor, it is a little too previous in its wisdom. The bairn's a man whose childhood comes in at the end.

There is one innovated feature in Scottish training specially worthy of attention at this time when the Peace Proposals of the Tzar are seriously about to be publicly considered. It needs no prophet to tell that His Imperial Majesty will have all national sympathy, but no assistance. Practical support in the present condition of affairs is an incongruity, but the great enthusiasm that will undoubtedly blaze forth will be but an amateur rehearsal of an historical play that will never appear on the boards. Why? Because, for one little reason alone, this effort for peace is contrary to our scholastic system as now practised in Church and State, and fostered by our common human nature. We naturally look for soldierism in the schools of Germany and France; but, strange to say, it is the predominant feature in our own midst. There is scarcely a church in the land without its boys' brigade, whose exercises are the work of the soldier. There is not a district without its Band of Hope, whose attractive features are militarism. There is not a Board school whose athletic exercises are not of an army nature. There is not a soiree, juvenile exhibition, or school show where the arts of miniature warriors

are not prominently set forth. These exhibitions are popularly attractive, and draw forth the unstinted parental applause of the audience, to the enthusiastic delight and encouragement of the young hopeful, who paints in his impressible imagination the glories of the martial spirit, and concludes that it is the universal opinion of his parents and country that every mannikin will do his soldier duty. The fighting spirit so surely nurtured in the schoolboy grows with the growing man. In my younger days the incomprehensible Shorter Catechism was taught with a vengeance, although it was all Greek to teacher and taught; but it looks very much like the opposite extreme to train this inherent militant spirit. The training is the work of the parents, for by their votes they control their appointed Board. Do they therefore deserve pity or sympathy when the inevitable day of lamentation comes when their darling boy-the flower of the flock-takes the Queen's shilling and goes off to the wars? While this condition of education goes on among the young it is useless to talk of supporting the Tzar's peace movement. I am second to none in my sincere admiration of the indomitable pluck of the British soldier, but I decline to be a party to the compulsory inoculation of soldierism into the blood of our children. Thus train up your boy in the way you think he ought to walk, and when he is a man he will not depart therefrom, until he comes home from the wars without a leg to stand upon, as a discharged soldier for whom a thankless country has neither use nor sympathy.-I am, &c., VERITY.

THE PEACE SOCIETIES.

To the Editor of the Daily News.

SIR,-In the report of the work of the Peace Crusade, published in the Daily News of yesterday, there is a hard saying at the expense of the Peace Societies, which I venture to think requires notice. The words are as follows: " Hardly less wonderful is the fact that, for once, all the Peace Societies were united for common action." Now this hardly seems the moment for casting a slur upon those faithful workers, when the world has suddenly become convinced that their aim was absolutely just and deserving of universal support. The honours of this day surely belong to those who, through neglect and ridicule, have since 1816, patiently and courageously laboured to educate public opinion in this matter, and have therefore immensely contributed to the present great awakening. Leaders in Church and State have given no encouragement during all these years, but the Society of Friends and those who followed in their steps have persisted in declaring that International Peace was in accord with the Will of God and the truest interests of man, besides being quite capable of realisation.

As to this gibe that the societies have not been united, it was surely natural that, as the movement grew, different groups of workers should seek to attain their common object by somewhat different modes of action. The earlier Peacemakers dwelt mainly on the religious aspect of the question; others gave their main attention to the means of finding a substitute for war in the shape of judicial Arbitrament; while a third sought to deal with all the causes of war, direct and indirect, and to promote international co-operation in dealing with those causes. This division of labour has not, however, prevented the several Societies from recognising each other's efforts, and occasionally from joint and common action. This has especially been the case at the annual International Congress, which has been held for the last ten years.

The great service which you have rendered by giving publicity to the Peace Crusade leads me to hope that you will allow me to put in this plea for justice to the Societies.-yours faithfully, HODGSON PRATT.

21st March, 1899.

THE Bible foretells not only the fact of Universal Peace, but the voluntary actions of men in connection with this fact. "They shall beat their swords into plowshares." Here is a prediction of human instrumentality. The great change under God shall be the result of means, not of miracle. "Neither shall they learn war any more." Here, again, is a voluntary stand of the people. They will refuse to study the science of human butchery, as they have done. To deny this is to deny the Bible.-CYRUS YALE.

A REMINISCENCE.

AN interesting paragraph appeared recently in the Frankfurter Zeitung in reference to the Tzar's Peace Manifesto. An old Frankfurter writes:-"It is an interesting coincidence that exactly on August 29th, forty-eight years ago, the same day on which the Peace Manifesto of the Tzar appeared, here in Frankfort-on-the-Maine a Peace Congress was held in the Church of St. Paul, which was attended by between six and eight hundred people of all nationalities." The leaders of this meeting were many of them celebrated men, amongst them being Richard Cobden, French Protestant clergymen, such as Coquelin, Cormenin, the celebrated American Elihu Burritt, etc. The President of the Congress was the Minister of Hesse-Darmstadt, Herr Jaup. There were also a number of black clergy from America, full-blooded Africans, and the son of an Indian chief was present, who came from Nebraska, dressed in native costume, who was called Ka-ge-ga-ga-buh. He spoke English. In the speech that he made on August 31st, 1850, he assured his audience that all the American Indians loved Peace, and he, therefore, offered the Pipe of Peace to the President Jaup. Cobden spoke, and all the other members made speeches in their own languages, the meeting ending with the most warmly-expressed hopes for a holy Peace. The lovers of Peace have for so many years worked with very little outward results, but the good seed has not been sown in vain, and in the coming generation there is much more striving after Peace and goodwill upon earth than has yet been the case in Europe.

ANTICIPATION OF THE TZAR'S PROPOSALS.

IT was a British Prime Minister who, speaking in the House of Commons in 1841, threw out the following suggestions, which have now, after so many years, been taken up by an Emperor of Russia:

"Is not the time come when the powerful countries of Europe should reduce those military armaments which they have so sedulously raised? Is not the time come when they should be prepared to declare that there is no use in such overgrown establishments? What is the advantage of one Power greatly increasing its army and navy? Does it not see that if it proposes such increase for self-protection and defence the other Powers would follow its example? The consequence of this state of things must be, that no increase of relative strength will accrue to any one Power, but that there must be an universal consumption of the resources of every country in military preparations. They are, in fact, depriving Peace of half its advantages, and anticipating the energies of war whenever they may be required. The true interest of Europe is to come to some one common accord, so as to enable every country to reduce those military armaments which belong to a state of war rather than of Peace. I do wish that the Councils of every country (or that the public voice and mind, if the Councils did not) would willingly propagate such a doctrine."-("Hansard's Debates," volume 59, p. 403).

Those Conservatives who pour ridicule on the Tzar's proposals would do well to remember that the words cited above were spoken by Sir Robert Peel when at the head of a Conservative Government.-Daily News.

LITERARY NOTICE.

"FRAGMENTS OF AN AUTOBIOGRAPHY." By Felix Moscheles. (London: James Nisbet & Co. 10s. 6d.) This book has the freshness and charm of an engaging personality. The style is clear and crisp, and admirably adapted to its purpose, which, as the preface intimates, is the stringing together of desultory reminiscences. But this is done admirably, as in the author's former book, "In Bohemia with Du Maurier," which is a delightfully playful book of reminiscences and impressions recorded by pen and pencil. Mr. Moscheles' recollections extend over more than half a century, and serve as an introduction to numerous celebrities of the musical, artistic, and literary world at home and abroad, concerning whom many interesting anecdotes are recorded. The book defies analysis, description or quotation. We refer our readers to its bright and interesting pages for pure enjoyment and delight.

THE HERALD OF PEACE.

LONDON, APRIL 1ST, 1899.

IN VINDICATION.

WE have carefully abstained from criticising the Peace Crusade, although there were many points which it seemed an imperative duty to say something about. Our business was to help, and we have done so to the utmost of our ability. The "send-off" of Mr. Stead's movement on Peace Sunday was due to the prompt and vigorous action of the Secretary of the Peace Society. The extraordinary expression of public opinion in the meetings of the Crusade was due for the most part to the members of the Society throughout the country, who formed the backbone of the movement, and did much of the work. The funds were obtained procurable from popular sources

largely through the efforts of the Secretary of the Society; and there was not a member throughout the country who did not share the general satisfaction and joy attending the success of the Crusade, and accord to the magnetic personality of its leader all the meed that was his due. We shall not be, therefore, suspected of anything like a "dog in the manger' spirit, if we reply to some misrepresentations which, as they are not personal, but affect the whole membership, demand attention.

Now that the Crusade is finished, it would be quite legitimate to criticise some of the proceedings and methods. It was almost ludicrous, for instance, to notice how speakers on every platform guarded themselves from any supposed connection with former advocates of Peace, who were stigmatised by the unmeaning and mechanical cry of "Peace at any price. It was difficult to see how the path of Limited War could lead to General Peace. And it must be confessed there were good grounds for John C. Kenworthy's criticisms in the Echo, when he referred to the leader of the Crusade "going about the country and on one platform and in the same hour praying God to send Peace for Christ's sake, and then boasting that he helped to make the British Navy what it is-the world's terror; when he says further, referring to the organ of the Crusade, "The very title, War against War, is a misnomer, for in writing and speech. he " (its Editor) "assumes, and says that war itself is right, and that he only contends against 'too much' war; " and when he concludes that, "those who, like the agitators (of the Crusade), confess that war is, at any point, right and necessary, are upholders, defenders, encouragers of war, and their appearance as 'Peace Crusaders' is a masquerade." These were all such legitimate criticisms as a public movement is liable to, and about which, as representing the oldest element in the Peace Propaganda, we ought to make ourselves very clear indeed.

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until the whole nation be enrolled. Whether that is a Utopian dream is another matter. We rejoice in every effort for its realisation.

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But when it is stated in War against War that, as a reason for a permanent world-wide organisation, a Federation of the Friends of Brotherhood and Peace,' at present no common centre for the concentration of effort exists," and then again, "the Friends of Peace are at present often at war with each other," we are bound to demur to what purports to be a statement of fact, and will naturally be received as such. Surely these statements are made for rhetorical effect. If so, their use is unfortunately ambiguous. But they do not represent fact. They are emphatically the opposite of fact. We are glad of this opportunity to bear testimony to the uniform courtesy and cordiality of all our colleagues in the Peace movement. There is no department of public life with which we have been acquainted, over a somewhat long experience, in which these qualities, coupled with generosity and true brotherhood, have been more abundantly and signally manifested, and in which the statement, "often at war with each other" is more unjustifiable.

With one or two insignificant exceptions, which only prove the rule, we have never even heard any departure from that language which should characDifferences terise the representatives of a high cause.

in debate of course there have been, but we have yet to learn that advocacy of Peace means a dead level of opinion, or the absence of freedom to think one's own thoughts and to speak truly one's own words. Each organisation has had, of necessity, to maintain its own position, and to look after its own interests. That was its bounden duty. But a natural, necessary, and not unhealthy, rivalry belongs to all vital organisations, and is as far removed from war with each other as the East is from the West. We know of nothing else to justify the remark.

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particular Another misrepresentation is of character, and refers more especially to the Peace Society. A sentence in a later number of War against War says:

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"The discussions of the problem of Peace have ever taken place without convincing some people that there is no logical or Christian standpoint but that of absolute non-resistance. Count Tolstoi has in these latter days come to the reinforcement of George Fox, and many who never worshipped with the Quakers will, I hope, find themselves constrained by conscience to give their moral and material support to the Society which has in Dr. Darby so devoted and energetic a secretary. Those who cannot bring themselves to accept the tenets of absolute non-resistance.

Here again we must protest. A great number of the followers of George Fox, themselves, would not consider themselves committed to "the tenets of absolute non-resistance," whatever the rest of us may be disposed to do. But there is absolutely nothing in the constitution or practice of the Peace Society to justify such a statement.

The object of the Society, as stated in its constitution—the legal instrument of its existence and management-is

"To diffuse information tending to show that war is inconsistent with the spirit of Christianity and the true interests of mankind; and to point out the means best calculated to maintain permanent and universal Peace, upon the basis of Christian principles,"

For the proposal, too, that a permanent organisation should be the outcome of the Crusade, we have nothing but hearty welcome. The workers in the field are all too few. We should like to enlist all existing organisations in the nation in a permanent Crusade of Peace, and to create as many more new ones as possible, of which it offers no theological interpretations. There

is nothing about non-resistance in that; and the proposition is one that probably every one of the objectors would accept, in some other connection. It also states:

"The Society shall consist of persons of every denomination, who are desirous of uniting in the promotion of Peace on earth and goodwill towards men."

No society in existence has a wider basis than that. The only limitation is that

"No person shall be eligible as a member of the Committee whose principles on the subject of war are not in strict accordance with those on which the Society is founded."

But that, as will be seen, is a legal and precautionary provision which does not affect its everyday working, or its membership generally. This account of the Society, therefore, is as incorrect and misleading as that which is conveyed by the parrot-cry of "Peace at any price."

Even the excellent and timely letter of protest from our friend Mr. Hodgson Pratt, which appears on another page, falls into a similar error. He says:

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The earlier Peacemakers dwelt mainly on the religious aspect of the question; others gave their main attention to the means of finding a substitute for war in the shape of judicial Arbitrament; while a third sought to deal with all the causes of war, direct and indirect, and to promote international co-operation in dealing with those causes." It is difficult to see where the Peace Society comes in, in this classification, unless it be maintained that it is identical with the "earlier Peacemakers." But that would involve the suggestio falsi that the Peace Society has not made any change or progress during its existence; and utterly ignores its history for the last fifty years, and its deliberate and formallydeclared new departure in the year 1848, in connection with the International Peace Congresses, which the late Editor of the Echo described as the beginning of the Arbitration movement. As a matter of historical fact, however, from the beginning of its history the Peace Society has advocated Arbitration as a means of international settlement, and does so still as vigorously, and unequivocally, and emphatically as the other Societies. And, as a further matter of fact, at the Congresses of the last ten years the Peace Society has been almost, if not quite, alone in its advocacy of the practical measure in regard to armaments which is today in the forefront of the Tzar's proposals.

For over eighty years the Peace Society has pursued faithfully the objects for which it was created. It has the broadest constitution and platform of any, for these are practically unlimited within the bounds of the question. It has advocated practical measures, such as Arbitration, Mediation, and Proportionate Disarmament, without having a Tzar to voice its sentiments until now. For many years it scattered the seed, and to-day rejoices that others are sharing with it the firstfruits of the harvest. It has been, directly or indirectly, the natural or foster-parent of most of the other organisations, which, while their basis may differ, are doing exactly the same work, in exactly the same way. It has assisted ungrudgingly and without stint, as far as its means permitted, all trustworthy labourers for the common object. It still occupies its place as the parent of many affiliated Societies, and the leader in the popular Peace Propaganda of the country. And, as it has always done, it will still be ready to hold out its hand of welcome and co-operation to all "who are desirous of uniting in the Promotion of Peace on Earth and goodwill towards men."

CLOSE OF THE CRUSADE.

WITH the meetings of March 21st, the most remarkable of the popular movements of the present generation, probably of the present century, has come to an appropriate close. Over two hundred towns' meetings-meetings, that is, summoned on requisition by local authorities, and representing all classes of the community and all shades of opinion, were held throughout Great Britain in connection with the Crusade. A temporary organ of opinion which has chronicled its proceedings and advocated its principles has circulated at the rate of many thousands per week. Appeals and manifestoes have been issued in its name by the Labour and Press Sub-committees, and have rendered striking and signal service, the extent of which it is impossible to measure. All this originated and has been inspired and sustained by the energy of one man, who has been indefatigable, and whose efforts and utterances, though somewhat erratic, as genius generally is, have been of a most extraordinary character. The Crusade, as an incitement and vehicle of public opinion, has been an unqualified success. Besides its meetings, but co-ordinate with them, there have been hundreds and thousands of gatherings held, other than towns' meetings, which have been attended by serious, thoughful people, by whom resolutions in favour of the Tzar's proposals were unanimously adopted, and whose enthusiasm, though not of a frothy and turbulent kind, has been strong and earnest, and has afforded much moral support of the Government in its co-operation with the humanitarian aims of the Russian Tzar.

THE NATIONAL CONVENTION.

A fitting climax to the numerous meetings of the provinces was the National Convention held on the afternoon of Tuesday, March 21st, when St. Martin's Town Hall was filled with hundreds of delegates from all parts of the country, who had been appointed at these meetings to attend a great central gathering in London. Lord Aberdeen presided, and amongst those present were Sir Lewis Morris, Mr. Duncan Pirie, M.P., Mr. H. J. Wilson, M.P., Sir W. Lawson, M.P., Mr. E. W. Thompson, M.P., Sir H. Bemrose, M.P., the Mayor of Northampton, Archdeacon Sinclair, the Mayor of Wolverhampton, Mr. P. W. Bunting (editor of the Contemporary), Dr. W. Evans Darby, Mr. W. R. Cremer, and Mr. W. T. Stead. Mr. Herbert Gladstone and others sent letters of apology.

Lord Aberdeen remarked that his first words must be hearty greetings to the standard-bearers of this noble and patriotic cause of Peace, assembled from all parts of the country. "Although this is a Peace movement," he said, "it is distinct from organisations for Peace in the abstract. Its fons et origo is the Tzar's Rescript, and we wish to promote the success of the Conference which is the result of the Rescript. The Rescript must be taken in conjunction with subsequent utterances and corrections, and then we arrive at the fact that the Conference will consider the adoption of 'good offices, mediation, and optional arbitration' by European nations." His lordship dealt with the charge of inconsistency in the continued arming by Russia. Why, until there is something settled, there is no locus standi for a reduction of armaments.'

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Mr. P. W. Bunting made a short and able statement on behalf of the Committee, explanatory of the departure from the proposed programme.

The Mayor of Wolverhampton moved the first resolution, approving the extensively signed memorials to the Tzar and to the British Government in support of the objects of the Russian Emperor's Rescript. This was seconded by Sir H. Bemrose, M.P., and supported by Lady Frederick Cavendish in a speech which was very well received, and by Sir Wilfred Lawson.

The second resolution, nominating certain persons for the presentation of the Memorials and appointing the General Committee to make the necessary arrangements, was moved by the Ven. the Archdeacon of London, and seconded briefly by Mr. Herbert Whiteley, M.P. At this point the delegates were given an opportunity of making remarks, of which advantage was taken by a delegate from Hanley, Mr. Budgett Meakin, Mr. Simpson, of Balham; Mr. Fraser, of Haworth; and Professor Lawrence, of Cambridge. The resolution was supported in a fervid and enthusiastic speech by Mr. W. T. Stead, and unanimously adopted. Canon Rawnsley followed with a resolution referring to the future of the Crusade, which was seconded by

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THE CROWNING DEMONSTRATION.

In the evening a great public demonstration, presided over by the Lord Bishop of London, was held at the Queen's Hall, Langham Place. With the exception of about a fourth of the ground floor, the hall was crowded to the ceiling. The following letter was read from the Right Hon John Morley, M.P. who was prevented from attending by illness :

MY DEAR LORD BISHOP OF LONDON,-It is a sincere disappointment to me not to come to to-night's meeting.

The movement, in which I take the meeting to be a closing demonstration, has been a striking attempt to organise serious opinion in favour of turning the Tzar's proposals to effective account. In no

country are such demonstrations more needed than Great Britain, and in no part of Great Britain more than London. (Hear, hear.) The recent language of the First Lord of the Admiralty would seem to show that Ministers are hopeful, with the energetic sympathy of the nation at their back, of securing something

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solid from the Conference than a mere registration of pious opinions. (Laughter.) This at least is certain, that if the Conference does not make international conditions much better, it will leave them much worse. Failure must mean the awakening of new elements

of jealousy, sore

summer morning into his garden to read his newspaper. His gardener, observing him reading, drew nearer and showed some curiosity upon his countenance. So the clergyman presently said, "There is nothing in the paper to-day, Tom;" and Tom looked rather disappointed, and still looked inquiringly Whereupon, in order to say something to carry on the conversation, he remarked, jocularly, "I see, by the way, that the Dutch are in Holland." "Are they, sir?" said Tom, his countenance at once becoming serious, "then I expect we shall have to turn them out." (Applause and laughter.) I think you will recognise in that story some features of resemblance to sentiments that you may have heard-about as appropriately.

The first resolution, expressing satisfaction at the impending Peace Conference of the Powers at the Hague, and trusting that they may see their way to a limitation of warlike expenditure, was moved by the Right Hon. Leonard Courtney, M.P., in a very thoughtful and able speech, marked by his usual clearheadedness; but which some of the audience began, before it closed, to find a trifle tedious. "The Tzar," said Mr. Courtney, "suggested an arrest of armies, a reduction of armaments. He would frankly acknowledge that he had not thought this a very

promising task for a conference of the nations. The action of our Government had shown, however, that they were willing to act on one item of the Emperor's programme, that if the other nations of Europe could agree upon any reduction, our proposed increased armament was open to reconsideration, and that we should be willing to go forward and cooperate with the other Powers in reducing armaments." Mr. Courtney added the "practical suggestion," which he said had been first made in the Treaty of Peace formed in Paris in 1856, on the initiative of Lord Clarendon, of a European agreement that "if a dispute arose between any two of them, the opinions of those not parties in the dispute should be sought before resort was had to arms."

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MASS MEETING AT QUEEN'S HALL.

ness, and confusion, and this is a reason the more, in addition to a hundred others, why England should bend the whole of her immense strength to render the Conference a practical success. No more glorious aim could inspire a statesman or animate a nation.-I am, yours most faithfully,

JOHN MORLEY.

The Marquis of Bristol was also prevented from being present, as he hoped to be, but he wrote as follows:-"I need not say how disappointed I am not to have the opportunity of raising my voice to support the Government in what, I trust, will be their most vigorous advocacy of the most important if not of all the items of the Tzar's Peace proposals."

Among others who wrote letters of regret were "Max O'Rell," Mr. Albert Spicer, M.P., Mr. C. P. Scott, M.P., Mr. Thomas Burt, M.P., Mr. John Wilson, M.P., Canon Scott Holland, the Rev. Dr. Guinness Rogers, the Rev. Dr. Adler, the Rev. Dr. Clifford, the Rev. Dr. Dykes, and Sir Wemyss Reid.

The Bishop of London opened the proceedings by a very able speech, in the course of which he narrated a humorous incident illustrative of the fact that we have also, it must be confessed, a something in our temper which does not always make inevitably for Peace. A country clergyman, he said, went out one fine

The motion was seconded by the Hon Philip Stanhope, M.P., supported by Mr. Sam Woods, M.P., and carried unanimously. Mr. Priestman, rising in the body of the hall, as a representative of Yorkshire, suggested that a telegram should be sent in the name of the meeting to the Russian Emperor. He was informed by the Chairman that this had been already done.

The second resolution, expressing its thankfulness at the success of the Crusade of Peace, was moved by the Rev. D. M'Ewan, D.D., President of the London Free Church Council, and seconded by Mr. G. N. Barnes, secretary of the Amalgamated Society of Engineers. It was then put to the meeting and carried unamiously. Mr. D. T. Stead thereupon moved a vote of thanks to the Chairman, which he supported by a characteristic and thrilling speech, full of fervour and magnetism, which was heartily responded to by the audience. This was seconded by Mr. Herbert Burrows in a speech which was a model of brevity, carried with enthusiasm, and cordially acknowledged by the Bishop. Thus terminated what without exaggeration must certainly be considered one of the most successful, extraordinary, and encouraging movements of modern times.

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