So we Christian men and women welcome this utterance of the Tzar as the utterance of a sincere Christian man, as honest as we ourselves claim to be. But let us turn for a moment to the general acceptance of this utterance in our own country. I have ventured to say that it has been received with no great amount of positive enthusiasm. We all agree with it, we all approve of it, there is no opposition to it, but a great many are not very sanguine as to practical results, and it is not unnatural that this should be the general frame of mind, though for my part I feel it is much to be regretted. It is not unnatural, because if we look into the question, when this noble conception has to be carried into effect, who will be the instruments to carry it into effect? It will have to be done by the Concert of Europe, and if there is one thing to be found in Europe about which it is difficult to obtain positive enthusiasm it is the so-called Concert of Europe; but for all that, nay, all the more, we ought to honour the Tzar for the action he has taken in the matter. May I add another word about the purpose of this great meeting to-night. We are here not only to propose and carry such a resolution as has been moved, or to send it to Lord Salisbury or elsewhere, but we are here, I take it, in the hope that this meeting of ours will be followed in the length and breadth of the country by many other such meetings; we are here in the hope that what has been done by the branches of the Church in the metropolis will be done in every provincial town in the country; we are here in the hope that we may be creating a little charge of enthusiasm, which will grow in every municipality of England those municipalities which so well represent the peace-loving Christian English people. So I trust that this voice of ours may grow into a national voice, and that the resolutions which are passed in one place and another throughout the length and breadth of the land will go to our rulers, to strengthen them in their support of this movement, and may go to the Tzar to express our admiration, our respect and our hope that he may succeed. Behind all this we venture to hope that before long the proposed Conference may meet, and that our best statesmen may be there to take their part in it, and for my part I should like nothing better than to see Lord Salisbury and Lord Rosebery sitting side by side at that round table and speaking in support of the Emperor of Russia, with all the weight of the British Empire. In the meantime, as you yourself, my Lord, reminded us, it behoves us English people to show that we are in real earnest in this matter by our general behaviour in political life, and I trust that before long we may be enabled to give something like an object lesson in favour of this movement, by drawing into ever more and more friendly relationship with our kin across the sea in the United States of America, and that this relationship shall be placed upon a basis never to be disturbed again by the Treaty of Arbitration, which shall be ready in case unhappy differences should ever arise. A step of this kind would do more than many meetings and many resolutions to help forward the movement which, as we believe, the Russian Emperor has at heart. One word more I venture to speak in support of what has been said with reference to our neighbour. Surely it behoves us at such a time, while holding firmly to that which is right and just-we should be doing no kindness to our neighbours in France if we allowed them to think that England would not hold firmly to what is right and just-while doing this it surely behoves us to treat with that respect which we expect to receive from them, our gallant and great neighbours. It behoves us to do all that can be done to further any friendly relationship, and to help forward every prospect of peace, for indeed our best hopes in dealing with our neighbour-and, in time to come, our best hopes really rest on our cultivating a conciliatory spirit, a spirit of courtesy and kindliness -in doing all we can to substitute law for war, so as to make it clear to all men that we really believe that the one basis of national life, is our life at home, is the basis of Christian brotherhood and Christian charity.

The resolution was carried unanimously and with enthusiasm, and followed by the hymn

"Through centuries of sin and woe Hath streamed the crimson flood," during which the collection was taken

The Rev. J. P. GLEDSTONE, in the unavoidable absence of the Rev. Hugh Price-Hughes, M.A. (President of the Wesleyan Conference) moved :

"That this Meeting, composed of the servants and subjects of

the Prince of Peace, reverently recognises, in the proposal of the Russian Emperor, the guidance of Him Who controls the hearts of Kings and all who are in authority. It earnestly expresses the hope that all the Christian Churches in the land will do their utmost to secure recognition of the noble sentiments so opportunely expressed by the Emperor, and to promote the co operation of the British people in the proposed Conference; and it desires the prayers of all Christian people that God may bless the course proposed, and preside over the deliberations of the Conference, and order its decisions for the welfare of the nations in accordance with His Divine wisdom."

Dr. GLEDSTONE said: "My Lord, Ladies and Gentlemen, I must say by way of explanation in being called upon to move this Resolution, that the Rev. Hugh Price-Hughes, who was to have moved it, is not able to be here. I very sincerely sympathise with this meeting on that account, and I hope also this meeting very sincerely sympathises with me. I should be exceedingly sorry to attempt to fill Mr. Hughes' place on any occasion whatsoever, and especially on such an occasion as this. It is a very great pleasure, indeed, to move a resolution in which the hand of God is so openly and reverently recognised as it is in this resolution. We say here that we believe that the hand of God has brought this great question of International Peace upon the whole earth, into its present high and honourable and prominent place, and I for my part cannot refrain from expressing the strong assurance that He who has wrought so wondrously on behalf of this great cause will perfect that which concerns it, and that He will not forsake the works of His own hands. In one Psalm, the 72nd, it is said that "God only doeth wondrous things"; and often has that passage been in my mind as I have heard repeated again and again the surprise, the astonishment of people that the Tzar of Russia should have brought before Europe such a proposal as this. Why, is not the very strangeness of the proposal from such a quarter, an evidence to us that God has wrought in this work? Perhaps we have not sufficiently reflected, we Anglo-Saxon people, that all God's children are not Anglo-Saxon, and perhaps we have not sufficiently reflected that all the leaders of the minds of the nations are not Anglo-Saxon either. After all, you know, upon this earth there are something like 400,000,000 Chinamen, and they say that they have managed to get along in that country somehow, I do not quite know how, without either an army or a navy. We have a large population in India also. There are a great many besides Anglo-Saxons to be considered, and as for leaders of thought, there is in Russia itself a man named Count Tolstoi, who has taught us people of the western side of Europe some things that it was well we should know. Perhaps it is not a surprising thing that he should have risen in Russia to teach as he has done, and for my part I am right glad that no hand of violence or of restraint has been laid upon that great and distinguished genius. Perhaps the fact that the proposal should have come from the Emperor of Russia is only an illustration of what we are seeing in our daily life constantly-deliverance arises from another quarter. How we all cheered at the reference made by the Bishop of Hereford to an alliance between the Englishspeaking people and a Court of Abitration, but we are behind in that matter. Italy and the Argentine Republic have been before us, and while we have been talking they have done it, and I regret exceedingly that, while one Court after another in Europe has sent back a kindly message to the Tzar and an intimation that representatives would be sent, England has not yet sent her message. I think it is high time that she did. I was very much struck, some time ago, by some words that were once used by that excellent Englishwoman, the Princess Alice, that she longed to be loved for her own sake. If there is one man in the world to-day who has got that singular honour of being loved for his own sake, rather than for his proud position and his mighty power, I venture to say it is the Tzar of Russia. To my mind it is one of the most beautiful sights I have been permitted to see since I was born, a young man, living, so far as we know we do not know much about how kings and queens live-happy and content in his own home with his wife and children, never taking a prominent part in affairs at all, and then coming out from the sanctity and sweet intercourse of that sweet and beautiful home to try and make all homes in Europe scenes of peace and happiness. I say, blessings on the man who has got such a father's heart. John Bright-would that this

great cause had the advantage to-day of the thrilling and lofty eloquence of John Bright-John Bright used to say that Free Trade had brought happiness and comfort into the homes of thousands of working people, but I believe that if the Tzar of Russia succeeds in this great enterprise of his, he will do a greater work than that, he will bring a measure of prosperity and peace and help into the homes of the working-class people, and of a great many people besides. I, for my part, as an Englishman, do not hesitate to say-you may think it is a very mercenary view of the subject, but I know that some of you will sympathise with it-that if it brings about a considerable reduction of our income-tax, I shall be very glad. That will be a reduction of burdens that we shall enjoy. Now with regard to this proposal as it is related to our Christian Churches. It has been said that, of course, our Christian churches will move in this matter, that they ought to do it, they are sure to do it, they are doing it, and nobody will pay very much attention to what they do. I say, in reply to that, do not believe a word of it. I judge of it from the negative side. Supposing our churches were to do nothing at all, what would be the effect? Why, that to-morrow morning, supposing that we were to come to a unanimous conclusion to do nothing, there would be some lively writing in the papers. Oh, there would be such a holding-up of the Christian churches of this country to scorn for their neglect of duty, for their falling below their lofty station, for not embracing a magnificent opportunity of extending what they ought to believe if they are true to what they say. I say, do not believe in that minimising of the value of the work of the Christian churches. They look at it in another way, that if they were to do nothing it would immediately be taken as an excuse for other people to do nothing. I am delighted that our County Councils and our City Councils and what not should be taking their part, but I believe that the true leaders of public opinion in this country on a question like this are the Christian Churches, and Christian Churches look to the Lord Jesus Christ as their great and invincible leader. There is one suggestion, my Lord, that I should like to close with, if you will permit me. I want to offer it very respectfully and with all submission, but for many a day it has been in my mind that one of the best things that we Christian people of London could do would be to assemble in St. Paul's Cathedral, there to join in united prayer for that blessing of God which alone can give this work success. Free Churchman, but I often find myself inside cathedrals; I need not say why; I have found myself inside St. Paul's, and have had the pleasure of hearing an exceedingly powerful sermon by the Bishop. It was as good as the speech he gave us to-night, and that is saying a good deal. It occurs to me touching this question that we should have such a meeting. Why should we not, if the Bishop would kindly convene it? I do not know what he would call it, but I should call it, being an old-fashioned Nonconformist, a Prayer Meeting." We all believe in that Book there, aud they have it in St. Paul's, and the lessons can be read out of it. I am perfectly certain that the Bishop can have prayers printed that we should be delighted to join in audibly. We can have hymns that we love and that we can unite in. We sang, the last time I was in St. Paul's:

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"When I survey the wondrous cross

On which the Prince of glory died."

I am a

We sang it to "Rockingham," and we had no organ, and we had no choir, and we got along for all the world as well as if we were in a Dissenting prayer-mecting. Then, because I want to remember our dear friends the Friends, let us have a little silent time. That is my last suggestion, which I venture very respectfully to offer to your Lordship in the chair.

The resolution was to have been spoken to by Mr. Lloyd George, M.P. In his absence it was seconded by the

Rev. J. SCOTT LIDGETT, M.A., who said: My Lord Bishop, Ladies and Gentlemen, as a comparatively inexperienced speaker on such a platform as this I feel at a great disadvantage in following after so many excellent speeches have been delivered, but I regard it as a great privilege in the absence of my friend the President of the Wesleyan Conference, in some informal sense to represent the great Methodist Churches, and to express the absolute unanimity with which throughout the world I am sure they welcomed the great suggestion which has been made by the Tzar of Russia. It is in that representative capacity that I venture to say a very few words upon the subject of this

evening. It seems to me, my Lord, that it is of the very highest advantage that we should be gathered here upon this subject, but in so many respects we represent all that is, I will not say opposite, but complementary to the Tzar. We represent the West, whereas he represents the East; we represent that great empire which is being brought more and more into contact and into possible collision with his empire, and upon peaceful relations between us and him depend not only our mutual well-being, but the well-being of that great Continent of Asia which will either hate or perhaps reverence Christianity, according as he and we live in Peace together. We represent a democracy, whereas he represents the most absolute government which is left upon earth. We represent a popular sentiment I trust, whereas he represents authority on the throne; and I venture to think, my Lord, that it is quite as important that we should attempt to bring popular opinion and the opinion of the Churches of this land on to the right side of this question, as that we should attempt to make converts of emperors and kings, for it does seem to me that with all that love of Peace, which I believe on the whole to be inherent in the great multitude of the English people, that perhaps the greatest danger on the whole to the Peace of Christian nations arises not so much from the council chambers of kings and their governments as from the ill-regulated enthusiasm and short-sighted utterances of Christians and of the people at large. After all there is a certain amount of caution or, as Lord Rosebery said, of awe, which does tend to restrain the counsels and actions of those whose will must put in motion these vast armaments which we deplore, but it is possible for us, if I may say so, with a shortsighted pride to toy with armaments, to be proud of our achievements on battlefields until little by little we come to suppose that after all these great weapons of destruction which we possess are at least something to be more or less proud of, and if not absolutely good in themselves, are at least a very modified evil. Mr. Meyer has just spoken to us of those who suppose that if armaments were reduced, and perhaps done away with, there would be no training ground for the more heroic virtues which our ancestors have handed down to us. Now it is possible that these benefits which we understand to be produced upon the drill grounds of Europe, the discipline, the subordination, the obedience, as well as the physical training, are bought very much too dear, and I, for one, am not quite sure, my Lord, whether the absolute horrors of war are the worst part of the matter. It is hideous to contemplate the passion which war lets loose, the wanton destruction of life and property, and the sorrows which are carried into hundreds of thousands of homes, for, after all, these things are comparatively trifling that are visible to the naked eye and pass away; but what are we to say to the constant incubus which rests, not merely upon the material resources of the nation, but, I would venture to say, upon all the higher energies of the nations, through the military spirit which, at the present time, is predominant in Europe. Has Germany not had to pay a tremendous price for the freedom and for the unity which it has secured? Has not a terrible change come over the Germany of the philosophers and the poets and of the lovers of liberty of a century ago, in turning it into a happy hunting ground of the drill sergeant at the present time? What shall we say of the terrible price to justice and to progress which the great republic of France has had to pay in order to bring her army from its disorganisation of twenty or thirty years ago to its present condition of military efficiency? My Lord, some of would not mind so much if these great armaments, established at so great a cost of wealth, with so great a risk of the higher spread of civic pride and of intellectual life, if these great armaments gave nations greater power to espouse those great causes of Christian chivalry which are jeopardised in the world at the present time, but we have had an awful spectacle during the last two or three years that the weight of these armaments presses so greatly on the imaginations of the rulers of the great Christian States that their arms are palsied most when we should expect them to be freest and most resolute. Lord Rosebery spoke of Peace being secured by the awe with which nations regard their armaments. We see that in the case of the Concert of Europe, we see that in the case of the awful Armenian massacres, where we had hoped at least that the fleet of Great Britain, in its efficiency, with the armies of the great Eastern nations pledged to uphold Christianity against the Turks,

us

might in union at least have abated the terrible disgrace and disaster which befell Christianity in the well-nigh extermination of the Armenian race; but it was the terror of those armaments and the fear that once bring those armaments into action, and the temptation to use them for selfish ambition would be irresistible, that palsied Europe and gave over that Eastern race to destruction; and, therefore, the one last object which might reconcile us to the spending of such great strength on armaments, on navies and on armies, the one great object which might have reconciled us to it passes unsecured, and showed us that the development of the military spirit, notwithstanding all that is chivalrous and Christian in the minds and consciences of nations, the development of the military spirit is a peril to such causes rather than an assistance to them. Now, my Lord, I am perfectly aware that people tell us that we are beginning at the wrong end, that the first thing is to remove occasions of strife, and that then the instruments of strife will be silently abandoned, and I for one venture humbly to assert the belief that it is when the reason and conscience of the nations bring them together in some sort of mutual desire to remove the causes of difference that the armaments which are simply intended to carry the conflict and controversies out into the practical field will fulfil the prophecy, but, my Lord, if only we can register in the opinion of Christians, and of statesmen, and of people, the great and growing conviction that the employment of armaments is an evil and a burden which the Christian conscience and reason will no longer tolerate, then I fancy when the great statesmen come together, as we hope they will, to discuss these problems, they will be forced to take a further step and to ask, How can we in the interests of the reduction of these armaments, do something at least to minimise the causes of offence which at present exist, do something at least in the cases of minor quarrels to refer these matters to Arbitration, and at least in the case of these differences which at present separate the nations one from another, see that international courtesy and consideration at least do not aggravate the causes of dispute? Who can be mindless that had, during the last two or three years, that ordinary spirit of conciliation been present between us and the Republic of France, between us and the government of the Tzar, many of those questions which have endangered our foreign relations during the last few months would not have attained to the gravity which they at present possess ? Therefore it seems to me that when once this Conference comes together, if only we can rouse the conscience and heart of the Churches, they will take the first great step to register that solemn conviction which we, as advocates of Peace, have long had, and to make it henceforth a principle of statesmanship; and that when they have once taken that practical step they will have to take others to reduce the occasions of offence which endanger the use of the armaments which exist. So I feel, my Lord, there does rest upon the Christian Churches of this country an immense responsibility for showing that these great objects are not the visionary objects which cynics suppose them to be, that we at least, particularly because of the great prophecies of our holy religion, and still more because of those living principles which it inspires in us, are willing to hold up before a cynical and disbelieving world these great ideals as practical, because God reigns and Christ is King, that we are prepared to risk, to some extent, the obloquy which always comes to men who are pronounced visionaries in a consistent and devoted attempt to bring men of all creeds to register their common conviction, and to bring pressure upon the multitudes and upon our rulers to carry them out. The resolution was unanimously adopted.

Mr. J. CARVELL WILLIAMS, M.P., in proposing a vote of thanks to the Chairman, said: I am glad, and I think you will be glad, that the voice of at least one representative of the Christian laity has been heard upon this platform to-night, because otherwise it might have been supposed that the Christian laity of this metropolis were not in thorough accord with the sentiments to which utterance has been so ably given by the Rev. and Right Reverend gentlemen who have addressed you to-night. I was asked to attend here to support the authority of the Bishop of London, and I accepted the invitation with the greatest pleasure, and have greater pleasure in moving that the best thanks of the meeting be given to the Lord Bishop of London for presiding over it. I would only express the opinion that nothing can be more fitting than that the Bishops of the Established Church should be seen

standing side by side with the Bishops of the Free Churches in endeavouring to promote the sacred, the blessed cause of Peace. In thousands of churches the prayer is constantly offered up, "Give Peace in our time, O Lord." I never offer it without extending the petition to "and in all time, O Lord," and that this prayer may in God's good time be answered, do you support with all your might this first step towards the grand consummation, the noble project of the Tzar of Russia.

The resolution was seconded by Mr. J. BEVAN Braithwaite, and unanimously adopted. His Lordship having responded, the hymn,

แ

'Come, Kingdom of our God, Blest reign of light and love,' was sung, and the Bishop of London pronounced the Benediction.

AGENTS AND AUXILIARIES.

J. GILL'S SUNDAY SCHOOL WORK.

During the Autumn, John Gill, of Penryn, Cornwall, has visited the following towns in North Devon and Somerset, viz-Barnstaple, Bideford, Torrington, Taunton, Bridgewater and Wellington. At these places thirty-eight Sunday Schools were supplied with the HERALD OF PEACE and other Peace publications for teachers, and illustrated tracts for children. At some of the schools an address was given by J. Gill, where an opportunity was available. At all the schools the superintendents and representatives promised to get an address on the subject of Peace delivered when the tracts were distributed. By such means a deeper interest in the cause is earnestly promoted, and the success of the work of the Peace Society is frequently prayed for by the recipients of the Peace literature. BIRMINGHAM AUXILIARY.

Rev. J. J. Ellis reports meetings as follows:-Sunday, August 14th, at the Presbyterian Church, WALSALL, a sermon, Peace of Christ."

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August 15th, BIRMINGHAM, Lozells Tent, an address on "Changed Customs."

Sunday, August 21st, at the Conference Hall, BIRMINGHAM, an address on 66 Patriotism."

August 30th, at the City Road Tent, BIRMINGHAM, an address on "Questionable Practices."

Sunday, September 4th, at the Baptist Chapel, DAWLEY, sermon "War Party in Zion"; also addressed the Sunday School.

September 27th. Conference of Warwickshire Congregational Ministers,

September 28th. Visiting in DUDLEY, DUDLEY PORT, and OLDBURY, by request, in order to awaken sympathy and arrange public meetings.

"The above," he adds, "is but a fragment of my work. I have been in evidence in many places. Sermons and addresses have been coloured by our question. I have given twenty-two sermons and speeches."

MANCHESTER AUXILIARY.

Mr. STEVENSON writes :-"I enclose a list of public men and public bodies with whom we are in communicatiou in regard to the Tzar's Manifesto, and am pleased to tell you that we have most encouraging replies from nearly all. I had a splendid meeting on Sunday at ROCHDALE, and, in addition, am getting the P.S.A. there to pass a resolution in favour of the Conference."

LIVERPOOL PEACE SOCIETY.

October 9th. Mr. Thomas Pritchard delivered a lecture entitled, "A Review of Objections to Peace Principles," at the Hamilton Road Domestic Mission Hall.

October 14th. A debate was held with the Seacombe Wesleyan Literary Society on "Was the Spanish-American War Justifiable?" Mr. Andrew Hamilton and Mr. W. G. Jones taking the negative. October 22nd. A lecture on "The New Member of the Peace Society was given before a large audience in connection with the Pleasant Saturday Evening Entertainments held in the Parochial Hall, Widnes.

October 29th. Mr. Thomas Pritchard gave his lecture, "A Review of Objections to Peace Principles," at the Y.M.C.A., Mount Pleasant, and again on

October 30th, gave the same address to the Carisbrooke Religious Improvement Society.

CURRENT NOTES.

WE are glad to mention the safe return of our Treasurer, Mr. Walter Hazell, M.P., who, with his two sons, has been spending some weeks in Canada and the United States. Mr. Hazell visited Boston, where he had an opportunity of expressing, through the Press and in private intercourse, his well-known friendship for the United States, and his devotion to the cause of International Arbitration and Amity.

PEACE Sunday will be observed as usual on "the Sunday before Christmas Day," that is the 18th December. Invitations have been sent from the Peace Society's Office, 47, New Broad Street, to all Ministers in charge throughout the kingdom, and already a very large number of cordial responses have been received. The recent progress of the Peace Cause and the circumstances of the hour should make this a special occasion. There is reason for much thanksgiving, and a particular need of prayer and preaching on the subject.

THE Bishop of London, having expressed a readiness to join in commending Peace Sunday to his clergy, has been communicated with by the Secretary, to whom he has courteously and cordially given permission to add the following to the invitation sent to the Clergy of the London Diocese :-" The present time seems to be one in which the Christian message of peace on earth' needs to be enforced on the consciences of men. This may be done without expressing opinions on current politics, but by urging a peaceable temper. I commend the duty of doing so to your consideration.M. LONDON."

[PRICE 1d.

THE authorities are active in season and out of season, as if nations existed only to produce soldiers. The Duke of Norfolk, Postmaster-General, recently inspected the Savings Bank messengers, at the drill hall of the 2nd London Rifles, and complimented them on the smartness displayed. Their discipline would, he remarked, prove useful in the event of their entering the army.

IT is gratifying to note to what an extent pacific incidents are the order of the day in the life of courts and nations. Among the distinguished visitors recently received by President McKinley, Sir Julian Pauncefote, the British Ambassador, and Lord Herschell, the head of the Canadian Commission, which was about to meet at Washington, called to pay their respects. Señor Vicuna, the Chilian Minister, too, had an interview, in which he requested the President to consent to the appointment of Mr. W. Buchanan, the United States Minister to the Argentine Republic, as Arbitrator between that country and Chili, should the services of an Arbitrator be needed. The President expressed his pleasure at the high honour conferred upon the United States, and gave a formal consent to the Chilian Minister's request.

THE Anglo-American Conference is steadily at work. The Commissioners held a brief session at Washington on the 22nd. Lord Herschell and Senator Fairbanks afterwards told inquirers that the proceedings had been uneventful. It has transpired that the Reciprocity Question continues to be a most stubborn difficulty. The main obstacle lies in Canadian. preferential treatment of British imports. One of the Canadian Representatives predicts that the Conference will agree on whatever is possible of settlement by Christmas, when the final adjournment will take place.

IT is understood that the International Court of Arbitration as to the Venezuela boundary dispute will have the documents of Great Britain and Venezuela presented to it next month, and will sit in Paris in January to hear oral arguments and deliver judgment, which will have binding force without reservation.

THE Arbitration Court at Berne, which is dealing with the Delagoa railway question, protests that the

The

one-sided expression of opinion on the part of the three experts appointed by it, may prejudicially affect the decision. This Court is making astonishingly slow progress. The Arbitration has now been going on several years. The discussions of the Court have not been carried farther than the preliminaries. latest deliberations concerned the point whether an examination of the interested parties should be instituted. The sitting had to be postponed owing to the illness of one of the Members of the Court, Professor Heusler, of Bâle, who during his summer holiday became seriously indisposed, and for a long time it was thought he would die. He has now so far recovered that he will be able to resume his work in December or January. With regard to the main question, it is before all desirable that a decision should be arrived at on the point whether the withdrawal of the concession and the seizure of the railway line by Portugal, on June 29th, 1889, was a legally justifiable step or not. This fundamental question has not yet been decided.

IT is well, when one hears so frequently the good that British rule has done in Egypt adduced as the reason for our being in that country, to have a reminder of the real reason of our going there. Major General Wauchope, with refreshing frankness, informed the St. Cuthbert's Y.M.C.A., Edinburgh, that "It was impossible for them to understand fully the present situation in Egypt without going back to the events of a good number of years. Why were they in Egypt? They were there because there was the isthmus of Suez, because in that isthmus of Suez there was a canal, and that canal was the great waterway from the Mediterranean Sea to the Red Sea; in other words, becauso when they had to go to India they had to pass through the Suez Canal. Our Indian Empire, he believed, was absolutely necessary to us if we were to remain great, and if we were to keep India we should have the possession of the country through which the canal passed." There was some little question, too, we believe, about some bondholders whose interests were jeopardy. Whatever may be the results of British rule, which we would not for a moment minimise, she had no altruistic idea of benefiting the natives in undertaking it.

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WHAT British civilisation means for unwarlike peoples, is illustrated by our first move following our acquisitions in China. The Press Association's Aldershot correspondent states that the Goverment have decided to raise a new Chinese regiment for general service, to cover new garrison duties at Wei-hai-we, and in other parts of the Far East. The new colonial corps will be 1,000 strong, and will be staffed with British officers and non-coms. The formation of the regiment will be proceeded with at once, and a party of drill instructors will leave England on December 1st. These will be engaged for two years, under especially attractive conditions offered by the Secretary of War. They are being selected from infantry battalions by Captain Bruce, of the West Riding Regiment. Young, unmarried sergeants will be chosen, and each will get a step in local rank, the members of the staff whilst so employed being supernumerary to their regiments. Sergeant-majors' pay will also be increased to £200,

and that of colour-sergeants to £152. The new regiment will be raised and trained on the system instituted in the Egyptian army by Sir Evelyn Wood and Sir Francis Grenfell, and instructors who qualify in the Chinese language will receive a bonus of £20. The British taxpayer has to aid in this civilising and Christianising process, but what if, in our wisdom, or lack of it, we may thus be creating a "yellow danger," as once in India, and preparing for ourselves a terrible retribution?

Now that the Fashoda incident is over, and the fierceness of the Jingo fever is allayed, better counsels are making themselves heard, and it is being recognised that the ties, commercial and otherwise, between France and Great Britain would have made it difficult for them to go to war-impossible, in fact, except in the delirium of fever. Here is one indication of this fact. At a dinner given on the 23rd ult. by the Paris Chamber of Commerce, on the occasion of the inauguration of the new High School of Commerce, M. Aynard, President of the Lyons Chamber of Commerce, in a speech which was much applauded, expressed his regret that the relations between France and England, with whom they had lived on cordial terms for threequarters of a century, and to whom France sold goods to the value of 1,500,000,000f. per annum-that meant three times more than she bought from England—had been such that they had been on the point of falling out over an affair which he would not speak of, as he was no diplomatist. M. Aynard considered that there was no reason to fear a serious conflict between the two countries. It is necessary, he said, that two nations which have so many common interests should understand as much as they esteem each other. France wished for peace with honour.

THESE mutual interests were clearly seen by our neighbours across the Atlantic. The Rochester Post, during the height of the excitement, wrote: "The best assurance of Peace between France and England is the fact that of the $700,000,000 French exports, $264,000,000 find sale in English markets. An Anglo-French war would destroy this trade at once, and produce incalculable suffering in France. With especial severity would the blow fall upon the French agricultural interests in the north. Here gardening is carried on extensively for the supply of the English markets with vegetables. The French wine and silk industries would suffer seriously. But English industries would not escape from the evil effects of the war. As most of the French irports are paid in English exports, it is fair to assume $264,000,000. We, therefore, incline to the belief that that the loss to them would amount to something like France will think, not only a second time but many times, before insisting upon the retention of Fashoda, and thus inviting a trial of arms with England."

BEST of all, the French people themselves-the people as distinguished from the journalists and the boulcvardiers, seemed to be moved by the same sentiment. The Statist calls attention to significant and encouraging fact, which it expresses thus :-"The wonderful steadiness of French Rentes all through the Fashoda dispute and the internal troubles, must have attracted the attention of all thoughtful observers.