meeting was held at the Town Hall, Porth. The Rev. M. Evans took the affirmative, and Mr. J. W. Cox the negative. A fair hearing was accorded both speakers, but during the last few minutes of the defence Mr. Cox was understood to make the startling assertion that "Christ had died a coward on the Cross," which created so much indignation that the audience immediately rose and left the hall. Yet the same audience, as indeed the public generally, would loudly applaud the military idea of courage, which makes its highest exponent the fierce warrior who "foremost fighting fell." If the Divine courage of the Cross were more appreciated perhaps the Kingdom, of whose power it is the symbol, would be nearer at hand."

66

THE BOYS' BRIGADE.

A controversy on the Boys' Brigade and the Sunday School, which was opened by our esteemed vicepresident, the Rev. J. P. Gledstone, in a very wise and temperately reasoned article, is being waged in the Sunday School Chronicle. This controversy, to which we earnestly direct the attention of our readers, has a very practical tendency; for it is no secret that the military authorities are doing their utmost to enlist the Sunday Schools as drill sergeants for the army. If the reality of the Conscription can be introduced into this country without the name it will save a lot of trouble and political conflict, and this will be done if all the boys are trained as soldiers. It will be universal service, without the "compulsory " as on the continent. But the result will be the same. And that it should be done by the followers of the Prince of Peace, and as part of their service to their Master, is most deplorable. We hope our friends will not allow this controversy to play into the hands of this subtle military movement, in which the nation is to be caught by guile, without taking part in it, and that earnestly and effectively.

IN SOUTH AFRICA.

Instead of raising native Africans to our own level of civilisation, we seem to be in some danger of sinking to theirs. On the top of the dreary recital of plunder, massacre, and cruel vengeance of all resistance, by which we have successfully imitated tribal wars among savages, comes a gruesome story of a white man's mutilation of a dead chieftain's body by decapitation, after which the head is said to have been boiled and the skull sold for £5. The narrative as given in the Cape Argus is circumstantial, and the black man's name is said to have been LUKA JUNTJE. Still, we hope the tale is false. But we mention it because it is better that as many Englishmen as possible should be on the look-out for the issue of the inquiry instituted on the spot. It is because such things are not remembered, except by a few people far away, that they are so easily hushed up.

SIGNING OF THE PEACE TREATY.

The Preliminary Peace Treaty between Turkey and Greece was signed at Constantinople on Saturday afternoon, September 18th. Thus, at length, one of the most protracted and tedious negotiations on record has been brought to a close, the so called Concert of Europe has proved itself, if a slowly moving, withal an efficient instrument, and for almost the first time since Europe entered on the weary round of the Peace negotiations, promise has actually been followed by performance.

The Treaty was to be formally communicated to the Greek Government on Wednesday, 22nd September. The actual text of the Treaty is given on another page.

DISCONTENT OF THE GREEKS.

Very naturally the terms of the Treaty have evoked much discontent at Athens, where, it is reported, general depression has been caused by the terms of the Treaty of Peace, especially by the last article, providing that the clauses of the Treaty shall become executory as soon as they have been communicated to the Athens Cabinet. It is considered here that this means either nothing at all, or else that the Treaty will be imposed upon Greece without her opinion being first taken. This view intensifies the prevailing feeling of exasperation. For generally the conditions are considered very onerous, inasmuch as the strategical delimination of the frontier includes all passes into Thessaly, and the Turks will retain Volo and Larissa as guarantee for the payment of the indemnity in full. The Chamber will be convoked immediately on the communication of the Treaty to the Government. If the Chamber ratifies the measure, the disbandment of the reserves will be begun, except in the case of the last two classes, which, with the recruits of 1898, will form the army of reoccupation in Thessaly. General Smolenski will probably be placed in command of this army.

RESPONSIBILITY OF THE PRESS.

The influence, and consequent responsibility, of the Press at this juncture is very great. While the British Press, generally, expresses sympathy with Greece because of the onerous terms of the Treaty, the Daily Chronicle suggests to Greece her declining the terms of Peace, that is, the continuation of the war, but does not dare to "advise," for that would necessarily mean further disaster to that unhappy country, if not a European conflagration. The hope is that Greece will have the good sense to turn a deaf ear to such suggested counsel. Referring to the Peace Treaty, the Akropolis says that the manifestations of the partisans of war to the death are carrying out a similar policy to that which has already brought ruin on Greece. The rest of the Press, except the Asty, which counsels extreme prudence, advocates a national crusade. The Asty publishes interviews with several Deputies regarding the present situation. A few declare themselves in favour of war, but the majority exhibit great reserve in their statements. The refugees from Thessaly have sent to the Press a violent protest against the proposal of a temporary abandonment of Thessaly, declaring that they prefer war.

RETURN OF PRESIDENT FAURE.

"Peace hath her victories no less renowned than war." This is the thought which rises to our mind when we read of President Faure's triumphal reception. at Paris. The Franco-Russian Alliance is one more pledge, and an important one, of the continued Peace of Europe. The Peace of the world can never be assured while every nation is an Ishmael with its hand against every other nation. England can look on with gratitude at the approximation of Russia and France, if for no other reason than that it keeps an impulsive people in check, and saves them from a course of action which might very possibly involve disaster to other

European States. If the soldier who has slain his thousands be received with honour, more should he who returns home from a mission of Peace which will probably save thousands of lives. It is good that the French Christian nation recognises "glory" under the garb of Peace.-Christian.

THE SWEDISH JUBILEE.

In reply to congratulations offered to him by the officers of the army on the occasion of the 25th anniversary of his accession, King Oscar said :-" Our historic reminiscences are not merely of an ornamental kind, since obligations are bound up with them. Are they, then, to be construed as implying that we should carry our banners to foreign lands? No. The time in which we live assigns other duties to us. Brought back within her present boundaries and united with the sister country, Sweden has enjoyed the blessings of Peace for more than eighty years, a boon which was formerly regarded as hardly possible. The sword will in future only be drawn in defence of the independence, freedom, honour, and rights of our beloved fatherland."

STILL AVOWING PEACE.

The German Emperor has concluded his visit to Buda-Pesth. There was a State banquet at the Castle, where very cordial speeches were made by both Emperors, both of whom declared their devotion to the cause of Peace, though neither made any mention of the Triple Alliance. The Emperor William left BudaPesth on his return to Germany in the evening. But the question continually arises, Why, if the crowned heads are really sincere in their devotion to Peace, do they not co-operate with the Peace Societies and others who are advocating, and otherwise trying to establish, International Peace? Or, if these are beneath their notice, or do not merit their recognition, why do they not institute some better Peace propaganda of their own, and so prove themselves real "fathers of their people" and true benefactors of mankind?

THE AMERICAN PENSION LIST.

The enormous sums of money spent by the United States for pensions has naturally attracted the attention of the swindlers, and many hundred thousands of dollars have been obtained from the Government by a gang who have been pursuing their nefarious career for years, by collecting pensions which have lapsed through the death of the annuitants. So widespread is this fraud that the pension agents both in New York and Boston will not be able to say definitely until about the middle of November what is the exact amount of the swindles, and their inability to do so will be readily appreciated when it is added that at the New York agency alone something like 52,000 pensioners are paid. every quarter, and over 3,000,000 dollars passes out through the Bureau every year.-Daily Chronicle.

NOBLER WARFARE.

Mr. Nikola Tesla, the famous Austro-American scientist, who has been telling the world how he believes human life may be indefinitely prolonged on this earth, says, "Now, instead of whole armies of us plunging into the disgraceful and contemptible task of killing each other in battle, instead of thousands of our master minds spending all their lives in the invention and construction of terrible machines to kill other human beings, why should not all of us join hands

together, and shoulder to shoulder turn all our physical and mental energies to killing and warding off all our common enemies and dangers as men? I refer to the perils that are all about us, that threaten us in the air we breathe, the water we drink, and the food we consume."

HUMANISING WAR.

The International Red Cross Conference at Vienna has adopted a resolution declaring it desirable that every State should determine penalties for breaches of the Geneva Convention. It is astonishing how the best movements are checked, and even marred, by the readiness to appeal to compulsion and penalty, to fall back upon that coercion which is the creation and the core of militarism. In its original conception the Red Cross movement was a noble and promising one; as the auxiliary or the agent of militarism its character is changed altogether. changed altogether. It was further decided that railway and ship transport of medical officers and material ought to be freed from all Customs formalities on the outbreak of war.

INTERNATIONAL TRIBUNALS.

BY JEREMY BENTHAM.

He then goes on to propose the establishment of a common court of judicature for the decision of international differences, which could not but facilitate the intended general pacification even if it were not armed with any coercive powers.

I. "It is an observation of somebody's, that no nation ought to yield any evident point of justice to another.

"This must mean, evident in the eyes of the nation that is to judge, evident in the eyes of the nation called upon to yield. What does this amount to? That no nation is to give up any thing of what it looks upon as its rights :-no nation is to make any concessions. Wherever there is any difference of opinion between the negotiators of the two nations, war is to be the consequence.

While there is no common tribunal, something might be said for this. Concession to notorious injustice invites fresh injustice. II. "Establish a common tribunal, the necessity for war no longer follows from difference of opinion. Just or unjust, the decision of the arbiters will save the credit, the honour of the contending party.

III. "Can the arrangement proposed be justly styled visionary, when it has been proved of it that

"1. It is the interest of the parties concerned.

“2. They are already sensible of that interest.

"3. The situation it would place them in is no new one, nor any other than the original situation they set out from. IV. "Difficult and complicated conventions have been effectuated; for examples, we may mention, "1. The armed neutrality.

"2. The American confederation. "3. The German diet.

"4. The Swiss league.

"Why should not the Euro, e in fraternity subsist, as well as the German diet or the Swiss league? These latter have no ambitious views. Be it so; but is not this already become the case with the former?

"How then shall we concentrate the approbation of the people, and obviate their prejudices?

The

"One main object of the plan is to effectuate a reduction, and that a mighty one, in the contributions of the people. amount of the reduction for each nation should be stipulated in the treaty; and even previous to the signature of it, laws for the purpose might be prepared in each nation, and presented to every other, ready to be enacted, as soon as the treaty should be ratified in each state.

"By these means the mass of people, the part most exposed to be led away by prejudices, would not be sooner apprised of the measure, than they would feel the relief it brought them. They

would see it was for their advantage it was calculated, and that it could not be calculated for any other purpose.

"The concurrence of all the maritime Powers, except England, upon a former occasion, proved two points: the reasonableness of that measure itself, and the weakness of France in comparison with England. It was a measure not of ambition, but of justice a law made in favour of equality :-a law made for the benefit of the weak. No sinister point was gained, or attempted to be gained by it. France was satisfied with it. Why? because she was weaker than Britain, she could have no other motive on no other supposition could it have been of any advantage to her. Britain was vexed by it. Why? For the opposite reason: she could have no other.

:

Jealousy is the vice of narrow minds; confidence the virtue of enlarged ones. To be satisfied that confidence between nations is not out of nature where they have worthy ministers, one need but read the account of the negotiation between De Witt and Temple, as given by Hume. I say, by Hume :-for as it requires negotiators like De Witt and Temple to carry on such a negotiation in such a manner, so it required a historian like Hume to do it justice. For the vulgar among historians know no other receipt for writing that part of history than the finding out whatever are the vilest and bases motives capable of accounting for men's conduct in the situation in question, and then ascribing it to those motives without ceremony aud without proof.

Temple and De Witt, whose confidence in each other was so exemplary and so just :-Temple and De Witt were two of the wisest as well as most honourable men in Europe. The age which produced such virtue, was, however, the age of the pretended Popish plot, and of a thousand other enormities which cannot now be thought of without horror. Since then, the world has had upwards of a century to improve itself in experience, in reflection, in virtue. In every other line its improvements have been immense and unquestioned. Is it too much to hope that France and England might produce not a Temple and a De Witt ;virtue so transcendant as theirs would not be necessary;-but men who, in happier times, might achieve a work like theirs with less extent of virtue.

V. "Such a congress or diet might be constituted by each Power sending two deputies to the place of meeting; one of these to be the principal, the other to act as an occasional substitute.

VI. "The proceedings of such congress or diet should be all public.

VII. "Its power would consist, 1. In reporting its opinion. "2. In causing that opinion to be circulated in the dominions of each State.

"Manifestoes are in common usage. A manifesto is designed to be read either by the subjects of the State complained of, or by other States, or by both. It is an appeal to them. It calls for their opinion. The difference is, that in that case nothing of proof is given; no opinion regularly made known.

"The example of Sweden is alone sufficient to show the influence which treaties, the acts of nations, may be expected to have over the subjects of the several nations, and how far the expedient in question deserves the character of a weak one, or the proposal for employing and trusting to it, that of a visionary proposal.

"The war commenced by the King of Sweden against Russia, was deemed by his subjects, or at least a considerable part of them, offensive, and as such, contrary to the constitution established by him with the concurrence of the States. Hence a considerable part of the army threw up their commissions or refused to act; and the consequence was, the King was obliged to retreat from the Russian frontier and call a diet.

"This was under a government, commonly, though not truly, supposed to be changed from a limited monarchy, or rather aristocracy, to a despotic monarchy. There was no act of any recognised and respected tribunal to guide and fix the opinion of the people. The only document they had to judge from was a manifesto of the enemy, couched in terms such as resentment would naturally dictate, and therefore none of the most conciliating-a document which had no claim to be circulated, and of which the circulation, we may be pretty well assured, was prevented as much as it was in the power of the utmost vigilance of the government to prevent it,

3. "After a certain time, in putting the refractory State under the ban of Europe.

"There might, perhaps, be no harm in regulating, as a last resource, the contingent to be furnished by the several States for enforcing the decrees of the court. But the necessity for the employment of this resource would, in all human probability, be superseded for ever by having recourse to the much more simple and less burthensome expedient of introducing into the instrument by which such court was instituted, a clause guaranteeing the liberty of the press in each State, in such sort, that the diet might find no obstacle to its giving, in every State, to its decrees, and to every paper whatever which it might think proper to sanction with its signature, the most extensive and unlimited circulation."

TEXT OF THE PEACE TREATY.

The following is the text of the preliminary Peace Treaty between Greece and Turkey, signed on Saturday, September 18th, 1897, at Constantinople.

Article I.-The Turco-Greek frontier will be rectified in accordance with the line traced on the accompanying map, and detailed description. It is understood that slight modifications, from a strategic point of view, may be inserted to the advantage of the Ottoman Empire by agreement between the delegates of the Powers and the Sublime Porte when the frontier line comes to be delimited on the spot. The details of this delimitation will be fixed by a Commission composed of delegates of the two parties interested and military delegates of the Ambassadors of the mediating Powers. The Delimitation Commission shall meet within fifteen days, or sooner if possible, from the date of this present Act, and will adopt its resolutions by a majority of votes of the three intervening parties.

Article II." Greece will pay to Turkey a war indemnity of £T.4,000,000.

"The necessary arrangements for facilitating the speedy payment of this indemnity will be made, with the consent of the Powers, in such a way as not to prejudice the recognised rights of the old creditors of Greece and holders of bonds of the Greek State Debt. For this purpose an international Commission will be constituted at Athens, composed of one representative of each of the mediating Powers.

"The Greek Government will secure the passing of a law, previously sanctioned by the Powers, which will regulate the mode of procedure of this Commission, and under which the collection and employment of sufficient revenues for the service of the indemnity loan and the other public debts will be submitted to the unconditional control of the said Commission."

Article III.-Without tampering with the principles of the immunities and privileges enjoyed by Hellenic subjects before the war on the same footing as subjects of other States, special arrangements will be concluded between Turkey and Greece, with a view of guarding against the abuse of consular immunities, preventing the hindering of the regular course of justice, assuring the execution of sentences pronounced, and safe-guarding the interests of Ottoman and foreign subjects in differences with Hellenic subjects, including cases of bankruptcy.

Article IV.-Fifteen days after the ratification of the present preliminaries of peace, or sooner if it can be done, Greek negotiators furnished with the necessary powers shall arrive in Constantinople to proceed with Ottoman plenipotentiaries to the drawing up and signature of a definitive Treaty of Peace. This Treaty will be concluded on the basis of the stipulations of the present Act, and will contain, besides, clauses for the exchange of prisoners of war, for an amnesty, for the free emigration of the inhabitants of the retroceded territories, and compensation to private persons for the losses caused by the Greek forces. The re-establishment of postal and telegraphic relations in conformity with the general agreements which regulate such matters will also be stipulated. Article V.-Negotiations will at the same time be entered into at Constantinople for the conclusion within a period of three months of the following arrangements :--

(a) A Convention settling the questions of contested nationalities, on the basis of the plan negotiated in 1876 between Turkey and Greece.

(b) A Consular Convention; in accordance with the terms. set forth in Article III,

(c) An Extradition Convention for the reciprocal surrender of common-law offenders.

(d) A Convention for the repression of brigandage on the common frontier.

Article VI. The state of war between Turkey and Greece shall cease as soon as the preliminary act shall have been signed. The evacuation of Thessaly shall take place in one month from the time when the Powers shall have recognised as fulfilled the conditions imposed by the two last paragraphs of Article II., and when the period for the issuing of the Greek War Indemnity Loan shall have been established by the International Commission, in conformity with the provisions of the financial arrangements mentioned in the said Article. The method of the evacuation, and the restoration to the Greek authorities of the places evacuated, shall be determined by the delegates of the two parties interested, with the concurrence of the delegates of the Great Powers.

Article VII.-As soon as the present Act shall have been signed and ratified, normal relations between Turkey and Greece shall be resumed. Subjects of each of the two States, whose position is regular in respect of the law, shall be able to return to and move freely as in the past on the territory of the other, and freedom of commerce and navigation will be re-established in a reciprocal manner. The two parties reserve the right to conclude subsequently a treaty of commerce and navigation.

Article VIII. From the ratification of the present Act, Con sulates will be able to be re-established to fulfil their duties in the two countries, with the co-operation of the representatives of the Powers entrusted during the war with the interests of their nationalities.

Until the conclusion and putting into force of the convention contained in Article VIII., Consuls shall exercise their administrative functions on the same bases as before the war. With regard to lawsuits between Ottoman and Greek subjects, those which were brought before the Courts at a date anterior to the outbreak of war, shall continue to be dealt with in Turkey in accordance with the system in force before the war. Cases which have occurred since the declaration of war shall be dealt with in accordance with the principles of European law, on the basis of the Convention between Turkey and Servia of March 9, 1896.

Article IX. In the event of disagreements in the course of the negotiations between Turkey and Greece, the contested points may be submitted, by one or other of the parties interested, to the Arbitration of the representatives of the Great Powers at Constantinople, whose decisions shall be compulsory for both Governments. This Arbitration may either be exercised by the representatives of the Powers collectively, or by persons specially chosen by the parties interested, either directly or through the intermediary of special delegates. In the event of the votes being equally divided, the Arbitrators shall choose an additional Arbitrator.

Article X.-The stipulations of the Convention concluded on May 21, 1881, for the cession of Thessaly to Greece are maintained, with the exception of those which are modified by the present Act. The Sublime Porte reserves to itseif the right of laying its proposals for the settlement of those questions arising out of the said Convention, before the Powers who are the signatories of the Convention, and whose decisions should be accepted by Greece.

Article XI. With a view to assuring the maintenance of good neighbourly relations between the two States, the Governments of Turkey and Greece engage not to tolerate in their territories proceedings of a nature to disturb security and order in the neighbouring State.

Article XII. As soon as the present Act shall have received the approval of his Imperial Majesty the Sultan, which shall be given within a period of eight days, the clauses which it contains shall be brought by the representatives of the Great Powers to the knowledge of the Athens Cabinet, and shall become executory,

MR. GEORGE PALMER, J.P.

The death of our esteemed Vice-President and generous contri Lutor, Mr. George Palmer, J,P., of Reading, at the close of last

month, in the 80th year of his life, has meant a serious loss to many philanthropic institutions and noble causes. His life was a remarkable instance of the success and usefulness that attends industry, intelligence, integrity, sterling character, and that wise stewardship which makes the abundant acquisition and accumulation of large resources one of the greatest instruments of good in the hands of a conscientious and devoted Christian man.

of

The facts of his life may be thus summarised: Mr. Palmer was born at Long Sutton, Somerset, on January 18th, 1818. His, father, who was a member of the Society of Friends, subsequently removed to Elberton, Gloucestershire, where he died at the age 39, leaving several children, George, the eldest, being then about eight years of age. He received his education at Sidcot, near Weston-super-Mare, at a school which was carried on in connection with the Society of Friends. On leaving school he went to Taunton, to learn the trade of confectioner, baker, and miller. In the year 1841 he removed to Reading, where he entered into partnership with Mr. Thomas Huntley, in what he himself once described as a "comparatively small business, having already a good name. He was afterwards joined by his brothers Samuel and William Isaac, and on the death of Mr. Huntley the firm was composed exclusively of members of the Palmer family. In 1850 Mr. Palmer entered the Reading Town Council, and in 1857 he was chosen mayor of the borough.

In the year 1878, on the death of Sir Francis Goldsmid, he was elected to represent the borough in Parliament in the Liberal interest. The Redistribution Bill of 1884 deprived Reading of one of its members. Although Mr. Palmer was returned at the head of the poll at the general election in 1880, and so may have had a special claim to be considered the representative of the Liberal party in the borough, he retired in favour of Mr. G. Shaw Lefevre, who had sat for Reading from the year 1863. In the election of 1885 Mr. Lefevre was, however, defeated, and Mr. C. T. Murdoch was returned. Mr. Palmer unsuccessfully contested the Southern Division of the county of Berks at the general election in 1885, and has never again sought to enter Parliament. He was not only a most successful man of business, but he also took an active part in public affairs. He retained his interest in politics to the last, and in the election of 1892 he did much to secure the return of his son, Mr. G. W. Palmer, who represented Reading in the Gladstonian interest till the election of 1895.

The town of Reading has many signs of the interest which Mr. Palmer felt in the welfare of its inhabitants. In the year 1875 he presented to the town a public recreation-ground, situated in the King's Meadows, on the banks of the Thames, and in the year 1891 he dedicated another public park, comprising some 50 acres, to the use of the people. This park, which is named the "Palmer Park," was opened in November, 1891, the occasion being kept as a general holiday. On the day of the opening of the park the town council conferred the freedom of the borough on Mr. Palmer, and a statue of him, which had been erected in Broad Street by public subscription, was on the same day unveiled. The Free Library and Museum and the New Town Hall were also the objects of Mr. Palmer's generous liberality. He took a very great interest in the education of the young, was a liberal supporter of the Reading British Schools, and was elected a member of the first School Board which was formed in Reading in the year 1871. Almost his last public act was, in conjunction with his brother, Mr. Samuel Palmer, to present to the town a valuable site for the erection of an art gallery as a memorial of their brother, Mr. William Isaac Paliner, who died, generally lamented, in the year 1893. This gallery is now in course of construction. It stands at the north-west corner of the Free Library, with which it will be in communication. The erection of this fine pile of public buildings was mainly owing to the liberality of the Palmer family.

Mr. Palmer was a somewhat extensive landower in Berkshire and the adjoining counties, and was an excellent and liberal landlord. He was a J.P. for the county of Berks and borongh of Reading. He was also an alderman of the Berks County Council. In early life he married Miss Meteyard, of Basingstoke. She died in the year 1894, Mr. Palmer leaves a family of four sons and three daughters. While he was pre-eminently a selfmade man, he was most liberal in the judicious distribution of his great wealth, and, as we have said, his loss will be widely felt.

THE HERALD OF PEACE.

LONDON, OCTOBER 1ST, 1897.

THE REVIVAL OF ANGLO-AMERICAN

ARBITRATION.

A new attempt, we are assured, is to be made to revive the question of a permanent Treaty of Arbitration between Great Britain and the United States, and a new treaty is in course of construction, which will become a serious point of discussion immediately Sir Julian Pauncefote returns to his post after his wellearned holiday, and will be introduced for the consideration of the Senate before the New Year comes. Some very sanguine souls have even assured us that the new treaty will be introduced, ratified, and passed into law, before the end of the year; but that is clearly inpracticable. That some fresh movement is on foot in the direction of the realisation of our hopes is certain; that it will be ultimately successful may also be accepted as certain. The revival of the proposal in America proves what has been frequently asserted, that to a great extent the American people are agreed on the subject; and the ready acceptance of the proposal by the British Government shows equal agreement on this side the Atlantic. The result, therefore, may be accepted as a foregone conclusion.

While cherishing the confident anticipation thus awakened, it may be worth while to consider two or three points arising out of the previous failure.

The real reason for this failure, affirmed the Spectator, lay in the reluctance to give up freedom to do wrong. "There is a good deal of human nature in man," and the moral it drew from this fact was that "all that can be hoped for is a very gradual and slow advance in the right direction-an advance which was helped as regards war by the Arbitration Treaty, even though it should never be ratified or published as a valid addition to the documents bearing on international law." So far, good! The unratified treaty did a grand work for the development of international juridical progress, perhaps a more effective work than if it had been accepted and ratified straight off. There is force also in the further contention of the Spectator, that in this, as in every other direction of effort, it is human beings with whom we have to deal-whom it is important to convert. One king or statesman or nation, it says, convinced that war is evil (do not all profess to be so convinced?) is worth a good many treaties. If Senator Morgan had been a Quaker, the Treaty of Arbitration would have been ratified. It is human nature we have to modify, and not any detail of international organisation or law, which at best can only register the general opinion of the majority for that particular generation. There is truth in this, but it is not the whole truth.

A somewhat similar conclusion was reached by another prominent paper, which thought that instead of venting our wrath upon American senators for their practical rejection of the treaty, it would be more profitable to ask whether European statesmen had not for several months previous been furnishing the best grounds for the belief that Arbitration is either useless

or premature. The disposition of the Turkish Empire, it ingeniously argued, is a crucial matter. If that could be settled without war, and yet consistently with the safety and interests of the oppressed subjects of the Sultan, we should have a practical achievement through peaceful methods beside which the acceptance or rejection of any treaty would have been a thing of little moment. With such proof before us that the most difficult of all European questions was susceptible of peaceful treatment, we might have looked forward with lively hope to the final removal of that military strain which is the chief curse of modern times.

Discussing the reason for the grievous disappointment of that expectation, and the assertion that it was all the fault of the Emperors, and our fault in so far as we truckled to the Emperors, it proceeded: "But we shall be told that no nation with a sense of honour and a regard for freedom could conceivably bow the knee to these three despots. There," it adds conclusively, "we touch the real difficulty of the matter. We all fly so quickly to the point of honour, and when we have reached it, it is so impossible to conceive that anybody else can possibly have any sense of honour.

And then applying this to the Cretan case, it asks: "What could Arbitration have done in such a case, if Arbitration had been the law of Europe? It could not have satisfied everybody's honour, everybody's claims, and everybody's interest. We should have found, in fact, that Arbitration was useless, unless all parties had previously been disarmed, and the friends of Peace and humanity would have been the first to bring us to the conclusion that there is no settlement except by war or until one of the two parties has been beaten in war. In short," is its conclusion. "Arbitration Treaties are mere paper until we can make up our minds to settlements by compromise, and these also are impossible, unless we cultivate charity and forbearance towards our neighbours." Again we say; there is truth in this, but it is not the whole truth.

A third position is that of the London Globe, which maintained that "the whole history of the relationship between this country and the United States affords a very remarkable demonstration of the absolute futility of Arbitration when any big issue is at stake. Arbitration, no doubt, may work when only an insignificant matter is in dispute between individuals or nations, but when vital interests conflict it is bound to go to the wall. Even supposing that two great nations agree to submit their differences to Arbitration rather than go to war, what is to be done if one of the parties refuses to abide by the terms of the award? It is obviously impossible to apply any coercion, for that would at once be reverting to the old barbarous method of settling disputes by force of arms, which Arbitration, we have been told, is to do away with once and for all. This, indeed, is the inherent weakness of Arbitration."

This, too, is not the whole truth, and indeed is very far from it. The one useful point is the recognition of the fact that the application of physical coercion is incompatible with the principle and practice of Arbitration. The whole question, however, is a very large and interesting one, but it may surprise the writer of the article to be gravely assured that, on the conviction of many persons who have some right to be considered experts in the matter, that special point, is not the inherent weakness, but the inherent, and ultimate strength of Arbitration.