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In Chicago, New York, and other great cities, the true American element is overwhelmed by these foreign masses. Prodigious numbers of emigrants come from all parts of Europe, and from countries which contributed scarcely any quota, fifty or even forty years ago. Italians, Hungarians, Bohemians, Russian Jews, and other races that have no affinity whatever to the Anglo-Saxon people, occupy whole quarters of the great American cities. I do not refer to Germans, the most numerous of all, for they more readily assimilate with the English speaking race, and in one or two generations almost blend with it; but the less-civilised races from Central and Southern Europe are now pouring in like a flood, and they are the cause of most of the Anarchism, which now infests America.

Among them there is little respect for American institutions; as respects religion, many of them are Atheists, and where this is not the case, they are usually Roman Catholics of a very ignorant type. There is not the remotest affinity between them and the Puritans who founded New England, or the Cavaliers who founded Virginia and the Carolinas. It will take a long time before their descendants can be absorbed into the American Republic.

They constitute big patches of darkness in this land of light and liberty; huge sun-spots on the bright disc of this great Republic. The old American stock, descended from colonial times, is still the predominant element of American society. It largely controls the industrial enterprises and mainly fills the Protestant pulpit, and in times of crisis it asserts its authority; but in mere voting power it is quite swamped in many parts of the United States.

It will need very careful piloting of the ship of State to avoid disaster from this cause. No such experiment has ever been made before, in the world's history. Nations have often been overrun and subdued by foreign invaders, who settled on the soil and gradually amalgamated with the vanquished race, but in the United States we see the peaceable formation of a huge nation out of a mass of incongruous elements. We see at least half-adozen nationalities, divided by racial antipathies, by religious animosities, by memories of bitter wars and persecutions, all living together with equal rights, yet with incompatible ideals, and oftentimes with mutual repulsion.

Can this incongruous mass be fused into a unified people, or will the strands of diverse language, race, and religion fatally weaken the cable which holds the ship of State to its moorings?

THE "MISSING" IN WAR TIME.

The United Service Gazette says :—Among the list of missing, whose fate no man knows, there are many tragedies. Those who creep for shelter from the sun to some copse or cornfield, and who escape the anxious search of the ambulances, are the true victims of war. In the burning heat of midday, in the dark shadows of midnight, crouched on stones and thistles, in the stench of corpses around, of their own putrefying wounds-a prey, while still quivering, for the feasting vultures-without water, without food, without help of man to assuage their torments, what to them is the meaning of glory, and what in this life their reward? At Sadowa sixty wounded were found in a barn six days after the battle. They had lived no one knows how. When found, the state of their wounds was such that not one of them could hope to survive. In the terrible battles in the Wilderness, during the Civil War, the woods caught fire, as the two sides fought, and the wounded were consumed by the flames. Dreadful, perhaps; yet was this fate more dreadful than that of those who had crawled clear of the thickets and were eaten alive by the beetles of night? The wounded, says Wilkeson, "were haunted with the dread of fire. Their hearts well-nigh ceased to beat when they thought they detected the smell of burning wood in the air. I saw many wounded soldiers who hung on to their rifles, and whose intentions were clearly stamped on their pallid faces. I saw one man, both of whose legs were broken, lying on the ground with his cocked rifle by his side and his ramrod in his hand. . . I knew he meant to kill himself in case of fire." At Cold Harbour, the men who fell between the lines, on the first day, were left by both sides to die. For war makes the human animal indifferent to others' pain and suffering, and careless of the single life.

HOW TO DEAL WITH A QUARRELSOME

NEIGHBOUR.

In the summer of 1887, being at the house of an aged friend, he related an interesting illustration of the proverb, “A soft answer turneth away wrath," which happened to himself years before. At that time animals of various kinds were allowed to run the roads unattended, and were often very troublesome. At the house of my friend, the lane or lawn leading to the public road was very wide, and furnished a supply of grass which was tempting to the wandering cattle. He had an unusually valuable dog, which he had trained to drive out any stray animals which might enter the lane. This the dog usually did very judiciously, and without injuring them. But one day, when the fences were down from some cause, it so happened that the oxen of a near neighbour trespassed, and when the dog as usual attempted to eject them, one resisted and attacked the dog. This probably roused the anger of the guardian of the premises, and he seized the offending ox near the tip of the tail, and in the struggle bit off a small piece.

When bis owner returned home towards evening, and learned what had taken place, he was much concerned; and next day called on the owner of the injured animal, who received him rather coldly. However, after a little general conversation, my friend spoke of the accident, when his neighbour exclaimed in an excited manner, "I will kill the dog within a week," and repeated the same threat. He was a resolute man, who generally carried out whatever he had determined upon.

My friend mildly reasoned with him, and said the dog was a very valuable one, which he should be sorry to lose; that the dog was not to blame, for he had trained him to do that very thing-keep stragglers away; that, therefore, the blame must rest on himself; and he queried with his neighbour whether he would kill him. "No," said the man, "I will not kill you" "Well," said my friend, "I will make you a proposition, I have in my barn-yard twenty or more head of cattle, fully as good as yours which has been injured. You may drive your animal to my yard, and take in exchange for it, any one of mine you may select." "No," was the reply, "I wou't do that." "Well, then, I'll make another proposition. Fix your own price on your ox; and whatever you say it is worth, I will pay you." No, I won't do that." "Then I will make a third proposition; how much injury you think the dog has done to your beastI will leave it altogether to you to determine-and I will pay for the damage."

6.

say

The anger of the neighbour by this time had abated; he saw it was one of those accidents which happen without any bad intention, and he refused to receive any compensation, and they parted in friendship. Thus an incident, which easily might have led to permanent alienation and disturbance of the peace of the neighbourhood, really tended to strengthen the bonds of friendship and goodwill.

THE SECRETARY'S MEETINGS.

W. J.

On Peace Sunday, December 20th, Dr. Darby preached two sermons on Peace, at New Eltham Congregational Church, by special invitation. He had sympathetic and appreciative

audiences.

A lecture by Dr. Darby on the History of the English People inferred from a study of the language, was also much appreciated, by the members of the Adult School, Acton, on the previous Wednesday Evening, December 16th.

A Brooklyn man came near getting into hot water by calling a music teacher a musical quack. But he got himself into summer land by explaining that he meant she was a duck of a teacher.

At the commencement of the present century the quantity of coal raised in Great Britain amounted to about 10 millions of tons. Last year the quantity raised reached the enormous figure of 181 millions of tons.

THE HERALD OF PEACE

AND

INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION.

:

"Put up thy sword into his place for all they who take the sword shall perish with the sword."-MATT. xxvi. 52. They shall beat their swords into ploughshares and their spears into pruning-hooks: nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more."-ISAIAH ii. 4.

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FEBRUARY 1ST, 1897.

CONTENTS.

THE NEW YORK PUBLIC LIBRARY::

PAGE

189 191 193

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A VETERAN PEACE-MAKER.

"Sir Edward Blount," remarks Truth, "has contributed for nearly sixty years to the maintenance of friendly relations between England and France, and has effected more in that direction than probably any one man ever did. He remained at his post through the siege of Paris and the subsequent insurrection, and he actually saved the lives of nearly twenty Englishmen who were condemned to be shot under the Commune-rescuing them in some cases at the imminent peril of his own life."

66 A HARD CASE."

It seems a very strong measure to refuse a soldier an -extension of furlough for four days in order that he

[PRICE 1d.

may attend an inquest on his own father, at which he had been summoned as a witness. Before Mr. Mead recently an application for advice was made by a private in the 1st Royal Scots, who had been treated in this way. The battalion is stationed at Edinburgh ; the man was on furlough in London; the inquest on his father was to be held on Thursday; his leave expired on Sunday; and his commanding officer had refused to extend his leave, up to the date of the inquest. The newspapers rightly call it "a hard case," and "hard cases "of this kind, which are bound to become public, reveal the real character of military service.

A SIGNIFICANT SIGN.

The German Emperor's recent decree on duelling is a sign that even such an exalted personage is, to some extent, amenable to public opinion. Those who listened to the heated discussion on the subject in the last Peace Congress at Buda Pesth, and heard the excited utterances of leading Senators and others, banning the custom in theory as barbarous, and blessing it in practice as necessary, will be able to appreciate both the reason for, and the likely result of, the Emperor's rescript. It was recognised on all sides as a wellmeaning attempt to cope with a serious evil, which everybody condemns in theory but has to support in regard it as inadequate. practice. But most people outside military circles regard it as inadequate. The rescript is rather an extension of the jurisdiction and scope of Courts of Emperor, however, inculcates the Christian duty of acHonour than a direct attempt to abolish duelling. The cepting the hand of the insulter, if offered in reconciliation. But let nobody in Prussia imagine that he can jostle an officer, and then offer him his hand with certain impunity. The hand-not the cheek-is only to be accepted, "so far as the honour of the profession and good manners permit." If, like Lieutenant von Brüsewitz, you feel inclined to murder a working man for a civilian has little credit with the Court of in a café, what then? The Court of Honour is useless, Honour, and a working man has no account at all. That is the root of all the scandals, and the Kaiser must dig a little deeper if he is to stub it up. Why not try Schopenhauer's plan, and make any man, who sends a challenge, stand for an hour in public in a fool's cap? "For if," remarks that genial philosopher, "you reply that this would make a man of honour shoot himself for shame, why, it is far better that such a fool should shoot himself than be allowed to shoot anybody else."

ANOTHER SIGN OF THE TIMES.

It is reported from St. Petersburg that the Emperor of Russia has decided to create a Supreme Council, which will relieve him of many details of routine work ; and the report has been confirmed. Great care is taken, however, to insist that "this change cannot be regarded as of great political significance, or as an indication of a more liberal régime, and that it is a purely administrative reform, decided upon for the reason that the Emperor does not enjoy robust health, and desires to be less burdened with affairs of minor importance." But the fact remains, and is significant. It is described as an "innovation "-and such it is; as a "reform"-and any departure from personal and irresponsible rule, must ultimately prove to be that. It is a concession to modern tendencies and necessities; it is a beginning, and the irresistible force of modern progress will do the rest.

FROM THE PEOPLES' SIDE.

The revolt of the Continental peoples against militarism continues. Two or three instances will show the extent of this movement, which the rulers will find difficult to deal with, and which is inevitable while the "Armed Peace" of Europe continues. A fortnight ago, (on the 9th January), the Italian Government at Rome dissolved by force the Roman Labour Bureau and the Socialist Federation, and a number of papers were impounded by the authorities. The process was effected without resistance or disorder, but on the following day the Socialists decided on the immediate reconstruction of the Labour Bureau, which has 17,000 members, and of the Socialist Federation. In Belgium the disaffection in the army, founded on the Socialist propaganda against the use of armed force, appears to be making headway. The Soir announces the discovery of organised Socialist clubs in barracks, whose members, while submitting to the rules of the service, are pledged to refuse active service, should occasion arise. Inquiry in one large centre has already revealed the existence of a club of this description, and seventeen noncommissioned officers have been suspended. Such is the bitter feeling in the mining and industrial district of Hainault against the present system of army conscription, which allows the wealthy to purchase substitutes, that the Government has been informed, through its agents, that an organised resistance is being prepared. The Socialists are taking the lead, and the conscript class of 1897, who draw lots next month, have declared that they will resist the draft to their last drop of blood. All the working men's leagues have promised to support them. The superior officers in command of the Antwerp garrison have, it is said, received orders to be in readiness to leave for the district. The industrial districts of Belgium are at fever heat over this question of personal army service.

A MUNIFICENT BEQUEST.

Dr. Alfred Nobel, a Swede, the discoverer of dynamite, and practically the sole owner of the largest gunfactory in Sweden, has bequeathed a sum of money, amounting, it is said, to £2,000,000, for the purpose of encouraging scientific study, medical discovery, and the promotion of international Peace. The last arose from his well-known deep-rooted aversion to war. Writing to a correspondent from San Remo, January 5th, 1896, he concluded his letter with the following

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SIGNING THE ARBITRATION TREATY.

"Monday, the 11th January, 1897," says the New York World, "will be a white-letter day in the calendar of history." On that day, at 12.30 p.m., the general Arbitration Treaty between Great Britain and the United States, was signed in Washington, by Sir Julian Pauncefote and Mr. Richard Olney. Like many other great events in history, it was unattended by show or ceremony. The signing was carried through as simply as though it were an ordinary business transaction. Mr. Olney's private Secretary, Mr. Blandford, kept the pen with which the Treaty was signed, as a souvenir. Sir Julian Pauncefote preserved one copy of the Treaty, and the other copy was sent to the Senate the same afternoon, accompanied by a letter from the President recommending its ratification.

ANOTHER ACCOUNT

says-Upon Sir Julian Pauncefote receiving Lord Salisbury's telegram conferring upon him the final authority to conclude the Treaty, the British Ambassador proceeded to the Diplomatic Parlour in the Department of State, accompanied by Viscount Gough. He showed Mr. Olney his credentials, which were contained in a jewelled box. Mr. Olney displayed his. The Treaty was ready, written in plain script, without any flourishes. A special paper had been used, and twenty sheets were occupied, the writing being within a border of two heavy red lines half an inch apart, and one inch from the edge. The document bears no illumination or ornament, beyond the usual red, white, and blue twisted cord. There is nothing spectacular, or in any way unusual, about this remarkable international engagement. The first signature is "Julian Pauncefote," written with an extra broad

pointed steel stub pen, in a rubber holder. "Richard Olney" follows. The clerks affixed the seals, using "R. O." within a border upon a brass seal for the one, and a crest upon an agate seal for the other signatory. The signers then shook hands, and Sir Julian Pauncefote left, taking with him a copy of the Treaty, everything having been prepared in duplicate. That which was first signed is styled the British copy, and will be sent to England after the Senate has intimated its approval. The so-called Exchange copy, bearing the President's ratification, will be sent to England, and a similar one received thence with the Queen's signature. The writing of the President's proclamation upon the original United States copy completes the formalities.

THE PRESIDENT'S LETTER.

According to Reuter's Agency, President Cleveland, in his letter transmitting to the Senate the General Arbitra

tion Treaty, which he declared to represent the concessions of each party for the sake of agreement to a general scheme, said that, though the result reached might not meet the views of the advocates of immediate, unlimited, and irrevocable arbitration for international controversies, nevertheless he confidently believed that the Treaty could not fail to be recognised everywhere as being a long step in the right direction, as embodying a practical working plan by which disputes between the two countries might reach a peaceful adjustment as a matter of course and ordinary routine. Some of its features, the President added, were of a tentative character, looking to a further advance. Yet the Treaty not only made war between the two parties a remote possibility, but precluded those fears and rumours of war, which too often assumed the character of a national disaster. It was eminently fitting, as well as fortunate, that an attempt to accomplish such beneficial results should be initiated by kindred peoples of the same tongue, and joined by the ties of common tradition, institutions, and aspirations. This experiment, of substituting civilised methods for brute force as a means of settling international questions of right, would be tried under the happiest auspices. Its success ought not to be doubtful, and the fact that its ultimately ensuing benefits were not likely to be limited to the countries immediately concerned, should cause the experiment to be initiated all the more eagerly. The example afforded by the successful operation of the Treaty would be sure to be taken to heart by other nations, and it would thus mark a new epoch of civilisation. In conclusion, the President expressed the hope that the Treaty would commend itself to the Senate's favourable consideration.

THE INTERNATIONAL PETITION.

The signing of the Arbitration Treaty and the references in the Queen's Speech to Arbitration, add interest to the fact that the Arbitration Alliance is just now engaged in completing the final arrangements in connection with the great Arbitration Petition which it has in hand, urging arbitration as a peaceful means of settling disputes between nations. The work of obtaining signatures for this petition is now practically complete, and the document will be presented to the thirty-two chief Governments of the world some time during the next two or three months. The movement originated in America, and has been heartily taken up in this country by the Arbitration Alliance, which was formed originally for the purpose of promoting the scheme, but has since considerably widened its scope. Nearly all the Protestant Churches of Great Britain and the United States, as well as many on the Continent, have authorised certain of their members to sign the memorial in a representative capacity, and in addition it contains the names of several dignitaries of the Episcopal Churches of the three kingdoms, among them being the Bishops of Durham and Ripon; the Deans of Durham, Ely, Hereford, and Ripon; Canons Barnett, Barker, Benham, etc.; the Archbishop of Dublin and the late Bishop of Killaloe; and the Bishop of Brechin, Primus of Scotland, and others. Miss Horsfall, of Melbourne, has rendered good service by obtaining official signatures on behalf of some of the Australian churches, and others are promised shortly. As soon as these arrive the petition will be ready for presentation.

THE QUEEN'S SPEECH.

The Queen's Speech at the opening of Parliament is of unusual interest. Beginning with the somewhat stereotyped, yet significant, statement that our relations with foreign powers continue friendly, it refers to the appalling massacres in the Ottoman dominions, the present condition of which is the subject of special consideration, beyond which the Powers have not yet got, and to the war in the Soudan, where the way has been opened for further advance-to Khartoum, as it subsequently transpired. Reference is also made to the unhappy occurrences in South Africa and to "the present condition of the world," which necessitates "a spirit of prudent foresight," a mild intimation that more money will be required for the so-called defences of the Empire. But the chief and historic interest of the document lies in its statements concerning the Arbitration Treaty with Venezuela, which practically settled, and the General Treaty with the United States, which is actually signed. The text of these paragraphs will be found on another page.

A STAGE IN OUR MOVEMENT.

was

Now that a permanent Treaty of Arbitration between Great Britain and the United States is practically an accomplished fact, it may be well to remind ourselves, for our encouragement and stimulus, of the process by which it has been accomplished.

Mr. PASSMORE EDWARDS, re-calling in the Echo "the various stages that have led up to the final triumph of Anglo-American Arbitration," refers the beginning of the movement to an historic gathering, in which he took an honourable share. "The movement in favour of International Arbitration," he says, "had its birth at the Peace Congress held at Brussels in 1848." "The movement," he adds, "received a consecration" at the still greater, and as he terms them, historic, Congresses which followed.

He was right, as we shall see, in associating the birth of the movement for Anglo-American Arbitration with the historic Peace Congress of 1848. But that the "movement in favour of International Arbitration" had an carlier origin, is shown by the speech of the President of that Congress, in which is indicated not only the birth of the movement but somewhat of the progress it had made up to that time.

"Permit me, gentlemen," he said, "rapidly to describe the objects, and recite the operations put forth by the English and American Peace Societies, for promoting their ideas of universal federation and concord among all nations.

"It was at the close of the long wars which had signalised the end of the last century and the beginning of the present, that the first Peace Society was formed at New York, during the course of the year 1815. The London Peace Society was organised in June, 1816, which has many auxiliary associations in England and Scotland, as well as on the continent of Europe.

"The United States possesses many societies of a similar nature, and among others the American Peace Society, formed on the 8th of May, 1828. At Geneva, the Count de Sellon founded in 1830 a Peace Society. On the 24th of March, 1841, the Society of Christian Morals instituted at its sitting at Paris, a committee of Peace. A new society was established a short time after, in that capital, under the name of the Peace Society of Paris. Following the example of the Count de Sellon, the societies of America, of London, and of Paris offered prizes for the best essays on the subject. Many of these have been published, and develop, in general, sound and excellent views. Peace Convention, composed of delegates from Europe and America, was held in London, on the 22nd of June, 1843; Mr. Charles Hindley, M.P., and a distinguished orator, whose absence we now deeply regret, occupied the chair. The assembly unanimously adopted a proposition to address all civilised governments, praying them to introduce into their treaties a clause engaging, in case of any international differences arising, to refer them to

A

the mediation of friendly powers. This address was transmitted to thirty-four governments in both hemispheres.

"For some years there have existed in our own country two societies, at Brussels and Mons, founded on the same principles as the London Society. Notwithstanding this, very little was hitherto known in Belgium of the labours of those eminent philanthropists who were endeavouring to promote the advent of a new Era, when the triumph of Peace and intelligence shall be substituted for the spirit of conquest and domination.

"As the physical world," he continued, indicating in noble words the course of the movement, "so also the moral world, has its laws often for a time undefined. In its evolutions humanity follows a march which reveals the grand thought of the Creator -it is that of progression. The moral world, even as the physical world, has its organic types. The human mind is moulded for a time in a particular form, and when that time has elapsed, it bursts asunder that form, in order to assume a new one. The human mind constantly enlarges; it commences with association-a federation between families or tribes; it will propose to itself one day, it is proposing it now, even at this time, the federation of the great human family."

After referring to various instances of this progress, such as the Amphictyonic League, which he described as 66 a supreme senate to which appeal was made to determine all the differences which should arise among the confederated republics of Greece"; the Achaean and Lycian Leagues, which constituted tribunals for settling disputes; the Teutonic League, the Helvetic Union, the European Confederation of Henri IV., in which "the decision of differences was here also [to be] referred to the Arbitration of a supreme Court," and the reproduction of the plan of Henri IV. by "the good Abbé de St. Pierre, who died in 1743," he thus eloquently concluded his address:

66

"The time for conquerors is past.

The ancient

prejudice, the ancient barriers have disappeared, or the time is not far distant when they will disappear. A national poet of France has greeted this dawn of a new era, at a fête given at Liancourt, on the occasion of the evacuation of the French territories by the allies. A member of the illustrious house of La Rochefoucauld Liancourt, whom we have the happiness to number among those present to-day, can tell you better than I can the impression produced at that time by this stanza of Béranger :

"I have seen Peace descending from afar,

Strewing the earth with gold, and flowers, and fruit ;
The air was calm, and the fell god of War

Stifled the thunders of his murderous bruit.
'Nations,' she cried, 'equal in bravery-
French, English, Belgian, Russ, and Germany-
Oh, form one hallowed union, strong and free,
And grasp each others' hands in cordial amity.'

"The poet has not comprised, in this enumeration, our friends, the Americans, but we stretch our hand to them across the immensity of the ocean."

Shortly afterwards, and consequent on the Peace Congress, there occurred in London a very interesting incident, the report of which is quoted verbatim from an American paper dated February, 1849, viz. :

INTERVIEW WITH THE BRITISH PREMIER.

A special deputation from the Congress at Brussels waited, October 30th, on Lord John Russell, according to appointment. The deputation consisted of M. Visschers, a distinguished member of the Belgian Government, who acted as President of the Congress; Mr. William Ewart, M.P., vice-president for England; Elihu Burritt, vice-president for the United States; the Rev. Henry Richard, secretary of the Peace Society, representing M. Francisque Bouvet, vice-president for France, and member of the French National Assembly; and Mr. John Scoble, of the committee of arrangements, representing M. Baron Suringar, vicepresident for Holland.

Mr. EWART introduced the deputation, and stated to his lordship the general character of the Congress, the objects they had in view, and the means by which they proposed to attain them. He stated that the object of the deputation in seeking an interview with his lordship, was to present an address from the Con

gress to him, as the Prime Minister of the British Government. M. VISSCHERS read the address in French, and his lordship listened with attention, occasionally making an observation. Messrs. RICHARD and SCOBLE respectively explained the reasons of the unavoidable absence of MM. Bouvet and Suringar. Mr. ELIHU BURRITT described the efforts that were made by the friends of Peace in the United States to indoctrinate the public mind with peace sentiments, and the policy of kindness and friendship, which were gradually but surely increasing towards the parent

country.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL, who received the deputation with courtesy, expressed the deep interest which he, in common with every member of the British Government, felt in the preservation of peace, and his ready belief that such meetings as those recently held at Brussels might be well calculated to produce a temper of moderation and kindness amongst the various nations of the world. His lordship then adverted at considerable length to the propositions adopted by the Congress, entering into some of them with great energy. Whilst to the full extent he admitted the desirableness of universal peace, he appeared to doubt whether in the present circumstances of society, and whilst men's passions remained as they were, such an end would be easily attainable. The deputation withdrew, much gratified with the interview.

On the subject of a Treaty of Arbitration, the Premier was very explicit. Turning his attention to Mr. Burritt, as a representative of the United States, he said, emphatically, "If the United States should make such a proposal to the British Government, it would be taken into their most serious consideration."

Scarcely five decades have passed. The United States have made "such a proposal to the British Government," and not only has it been "taken into their most serious consideration," but the Treaty, embodying the proposal, has been signed.

were.

The various steps which have led up to this consummation need not be enumerated-the result is everything. In the progress of a great movement individuals and organisations are nothingthough they are sowers and reapers, who, when the harvest comes, rejoice together. Principles and achievements are what demand most consideration. To this end, therefore, all have worked heartily and earnestly; and on both sides of the Atlantic, for the "Friends of Peace in the United States," to whom Elihu Burritt referred at the start, have had their successors, and have them still, not less active, earnest, and diligent, than their predecessors While following the general aim and efforts of the Peace and Arbitration movement, they have neglected no opportunity of promoting this special application of their principles. "Resolute partisans of International Arbitration," says the Temps, "had arrived at the conviction that the chief means of making their cause progress was to procure the conclusion of a permanent treaty between the two great nations which are at the head of modern humanity." The success has been achieved by the united efforts of the Peace Societies, or, to be strictly just, of the Friends of Peace, who have created the public opinion which made this result possible, and even necessary. It is, declares the Frankfort Gazette, "the greatest success hitherto achieved by the Friends of Peace."

Some deserve honourable mention, for they had the prescience and the faith to ally themselves, and to keep themselves mainly, to a succeeding cause; but in this only have they differed from their fellows;-notably Mr. Randall Cremer, and in the last moments of all, Mr. W. T. Stead, Mr. Norman, the Daily Chronicle, the New York World, and others. We thank them for their contribution of advocacy, and of personal service, which is even more precious.

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Now for us all remains the great lesson;-That it is not "by sudden flight our goal will be attained, but by continuous and patient, confident and persistent, effort. "All at it, always at it," must be our motto, and if we die with the full purpose unattained, we shall have at least the prospect of its certain attainment by others.

Progress may seem slow. Half a century to achieve this! But half a century in the lifetime of nations is but as half a year in that of individuals. Considered thus, the progress which has been made in the great "movement in favour of International Arbitration" has been singularly rapid. We do well to realise this, lest we be "wearied and faint in our minds" or relax our purpose, as we gird ourselves anew for the next stage of the struggle.

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