AUGUST 1ST, 1896.] THE HERALD OF PEACE. Sir Stratford de Redcliffe, as soon as he reached Con- THE PRINCE OF WALES AS SHOEMAKER. The Canadian Shoe and Leather Journal states that it is an ancient Saxon custom for the Princes of the Royal House of England to learn a trade, and Prince Albert Edward of Wales chose that of shoemaker. He has worn shoes of his own make that were the envy of his sex, and he was not slow in advertising the maker either. He tolerates no slipshod work, or inferior stock, and is said to be an expert judge of shoes. When the Prince learned his trade, he did so because it was his natural bent, and the fact that he became so expert in it almost makes one wish he could stick to the last. It is to be hoped he will be as good a king, as he is a shoemaker. THE DELAGOA BAY ARBITRATION FARCE. The Portuguese Government are contributing, by their delays and objections, to bring arbitration into disrepute. For the Delagoa Bay Railroad arbitrators. have been sitting in Switzerland for seven years. It would seem that they have just recognised the necessity of expert evidence. Therefore, two gentlemen who were connected with the piercing of the St. Gothard Tunnel have been appointed experts, on condition that they are not required to make a local investigation; consequently, a third expert is to be appointed, who is to proceed to South Africa. It is really full time that this Arbitration Tribunal should pronounce its decision. THE APPROACHING BEHRING SEA ARBITRATION. The New York correspondent of the Daily Chronicle writes that the appointments, under the terms of the recent Convention, of Justice King, of the Canadian Supreme Court, and of Justice Putnam, of Maine, as British and United States Commissioners respectively, to arbitrate upon British claims in connection with the Behring Sea seal fishery, are received in America with The selection of Mr. Don M. general approval. Dickinson as counsel for the United States seems less likely to give satisfaction. Mr. Dickinson, who was U.S. Postmaster-General from 1885 to 1889, has, to some extent, identified himself with the anti-British politicians, and in a recent speech made severe comments on Great Britain's general policy. He himself, it is understood, feels some doubt as to the desirability of accepting the post of counsel, and, whilst examining the case, withholds for the present a definite decision as to whether he will act or not. bols of bloodshed and rapine, were solemnly received our sacred places not the remains of our slaughtered CHILI AND ARGENTINA. The newspapers are now generally announcing the fact, which we reported last month, that Queen Victoria has consented to act as arbitrator between Chili and the Argentine Republic, in the difficulties arising in connection with the delimitation of the boundaries of these Now that the matter is settled, we have two countries. much pleasure in acknowledging the indebtedness of the Peace Society, and of all concerned in the settlement of the dispute, to our neighbour Don Luis B. Tamini, by whom our attention was first directed to it, and who, from the horrors of war and the curse of militarism, supnaturally anxious to save his native country Argentina anxious plied us with the necessary information. Our readers was that Chili will probably remember for Arbitration, but Argentina was not. Both were preparing for war. The Peace Society memorialised both, and received a very courteous reply from the preparing for war. President of Argentina, who had been influenced by the Memorial, and cordially responded to the that, considering the vastness and variety of the representations of the Society. It has been suggested South American Republics, and the great interests which were at stake, and which would have suffered in the event of a war, the Peace Society has special claims to the gratitude of the bondholders and merchants of the United Kingdom in general, and of London in particular. IRISH METHODISTS. At the Annual Conference of the Methodists of Ireland, held recently in Dublin, on the motion of Rev. W. J. Christie, seconded by Rev. W. A. Bracken, it was unanimously agreed that"This Conference views with thankfulness to God the progress made during the past year in the cause of Universal Peace. "The Conference fully appreciates the glad significance of the fact that the two foremost Christian Governments of the world are at present mutually desirous of forming a Permanent Board of Arbitration for the settlement of all disputes affecting the two mighty nations concerned, and devoutly prays that the principle of the Divine Prince of Peace may quickly overspread the world. "The Conference afresh commends this subject to the prayers of the Methodist Churches." LORD SALISBURY ON THE ANGLO-AMERICAN AND VENEZUELA ARBITRATIONS. In the House of Lords, on July 17th, the Marquis of Salisbury said : I am laying papers on the table with respect to the correspondence which has taken place on the matter of Arbitration with the United States. The negotiation is not complete, but I think, considering the great importance of some of the issues that are at stake, it has been advancing in a favourable manner and certainly with entire friendliness on the part of both Governments. It has taken two courses. In the first place, there is the smaller question of Venezuela, in respect of which the United States has assumed the attitude of the friend of Venezuela, and we have been rather glad to negotiate with the United States rather than with Venezuela. But in respect to that, as I have said, we have not come to a conclusion. The difficulty lies in the fact that the claim of Venezuela embraces a very large proportion, I think two-thirds, of the colony of British Guiana, including a considerable quantity of territory that is settled and that has been settled for a great number of years. We have never thought, and we do not now think, that the ownership of that territory is a matter which ought to be submitted to Arbitration. At the same time, with respect to the unsettled territory, we have always been willing that that should be submitted to Arbitration, but it is necessary, of course, to distinguish between the two. Our view has been that at this stage Arbitration is not a suitable remedy; that the first thing which has to be ascertained is the real state of the facts in respect to the past history of Venezuela, and of Spain and of Holland in those countries, and, when the facts are fully ascertained by a Commission in which both countries have confidence, I do not myself believe that the diplomatic question that will follow will be one that will be very difficult of adjustment. When once we know what the facts are, I do not think there will be much difficulty in coming to an agreement as to their result. But even if there is, that would then be the time for applying the principle of Arbitration. In order that Arbitration may be satisfactory, the issue presented to it should be clean, clear and simple, and when we know enough of the facts to be able to say what are the precise points on which the two Governments differ on the question of boundaries, I think then the question of Arbitration will probably be dealt with without difficulty and without involving -what we deprecate-exposing to the hazard of a tribunal which is comparatively untried, the long-inherited and long-possessed rights of British colonies. But the real truth is, with respect to Venezuela, it has been impossible that we should go faster than we have done, because we have not yet obtained the whole of the facts that are necessary for a decision of the case. labour has been enormous. The I shall lay another Blue-book of documents upon the table in a few days, and I think your lordships will see, from the Bluebook that has gone before, that the labour it has been necessary to expend in ascertaining the facts that are concealed in all these archives is so large that it could not be accomplished in a briefer time. The American Commission has been pursuing its investigations, and we have offered every facility to enable them to be pursued to a satisfactory result. When, as I say, the facts have been ascertained, I think it will probably be easy to settle the matter by diplomacy; if not, to settle the particular issues that arise, by an appeal to an arbitrator. A GENERAL ARBITRAL TREATY BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN But, my Lords, at the same time, concurrently with these negotiations, we have also raised again the negotiation which was commenced in the time of the noble lord opposite [LORD ROSEBERY] on the subject of a General System of Arbitration between the United States and Great Britain. It was terminated, partly owing to the lamented death of one of the negotiators, and partly owing to a difficulty which has not yet been surmountedthe difficulty of dealing with these cases which are so large, and which involve interests of so vital a character, that statesmen shrink from submitting them to what may be the hazards of Arbitration. We have had much discussion with the United States on that point. I think the tendency of the United States Government is to desire a rapid and summary decision of this question. In our view the principle of obligatory Arbitration is applied for the first time, and it is attended with considerable hazards and doubts, and we are of opinion that a circumspect and careful method of procedure is desirable. We think that such machinery as an appeal, or protest, should be provided, in one form or another, that will prevent the miscarriage of justice to the great detriment of, it may be, a large population of English colonists, through any error on the part of the arbitrator who may be selected. I do not wish now to dwell on the difficulties of Arbitration; it would be out of place. There are difficulties with respect to the tribunal and with respect to the law which is to be administered, but one of the difficulties that pressed upon us the most is that the system being untried, we do not know how far an obligatory system of Arbitration may not produce speculative claims that is to say, a Government might claim that which it really had no great hope of obtaining, by way of gaining popularity, or exercising pressure upon the Government which was negotiating. You might say that such claims would be dealt with by the arbitrator. Yes; but our experience is that Arbitrations last sometimes for a considerable number of years. We are interested in an Arbitration now, in Africa [Delagoa Bay], which has lasted seven or eight years, and during the whole of that time any part of the frontier which is affected by the claim of a neighbouring State comes very much into the position in which, in our youth, properties that were in Chancery used to be found-namely, that the title to them was uncertain, and there was no agency which could be trusted for maintaining that property and guarding it from danger. My Lords, Mr. Olney, on behalf of the United States Government, has answered that such questions are not likely to arise between the United States and Great Britain, and no doubt, to a great extent, that is true; but it must not be forgotten that of late years the United States has shown a disposition to adopt as its own, questions affecting many Republics in South America. I do not in the least quarrel with that disposition; it is what we have done ourselves. We ourselves take an interest in the frontiers of Sweden, of Holland, of Belgium, and of Portugal. These things are matters of importance to us, and I do not deny that the United States has some right, as we have, to show an interest in the welfare of a neighbouring people, but, of course, the fact brings with it the possibility that the claims of such Powers will become a matter of Arbitration, and you must regard your prospects under an obligatory system of Arbitration as depending rather upon the average disposition of various States over the Continent of America than upon the disposition of the United States itself, which I have no doubt would be much more moderate. For these reasons, we have exhibited very considerable caution and circumspection in these negotiations. But the various questions at issue are still the subject of discussion. We have been reproached for delay, but we feel that this matter is one of such supreme importance, that an error which you may commit may affect your national interests for a long period of time, and may affect not only your own frontiers, but the frontiers of the colonies which are entrusted to your charge. These considerations have made us very anxious to be careful in every step we have taken, and we have felt that we would rather incur the charge of unnecessary delay than, by precipitation, involve ourselves in difficulties which would affect interests that ought to be so very dear to us. For these reasons, my Lords, we have maintained these negotiations with the care and circumspection of which I have spoken, and it is also for these reasons that we have laid the despatches on the table while the negotiations have been going on. We have need to know what is the trend of public opinion on these matters. We desire, in a question which is certainly not one of party, that the best intellects that we have on both sides should apply themselves to a matter that affects the welfare of the human race in a singular degree, and especially the good relations of a State with which we so desire to be on good terms as the United States of America. Therefore we have laid the papers on the table, and we hope to derive from such attention as noble Lords on both sides of the House may devote to them, much guidance with respect to the subsequent conduct of the negotiations that we have to pursue. ANGLO-AMERICAN ARBITRATION TREATY. The following is the draft Treaty between the British and American Governments, for the adoption of a Permanent Resort to Arbitration by the two Governments. But owing to the American objections, it has not yet been finally adopted. THE DRAFT TREATY. The terms of this draft Treaty are as follows: (1) Her Britannic Majesty and the President of the United States shall each appoint two or more permanent Judicial Officers for the purposes of this Treaty, and on the appearance of any difference between the two Powers which, in the judgment of either of them, cannot be settled by negotiation, each of them shall designate one of the said officers as Arbitrator, and the two Arbitrators shall hear and determine any matter referred to them in accordance with this Treaty. (2) Before entering on such arbitration, the Arbitrators shall select an Umpire, by whom any question upon which they disagree, whether interlocutory or final, shall be decided, the decision of such Umpire upon any interlocutory question shall be binding upon the Arbitrators, the determination of the Arbitrators, or, if they disagree, the decision of the Umpire, shall be the award upon the matters referred. (3) Complaints made by the nationals of one Power against the officers of the other; all pecuniary claims or groups of claims amounting to not more than £100,000 made on either Power by the nationals of the other, whether based on an alleged right by treaty or agreement or otherwise; all claims for damages or indemnity under the said amount; all questions affecting diplomatic or Consular privileges; all alleged rights of fishery access, navigation, or commercial privileges; and all questions referred by special agreement between the two parties shall be referred to arbitration, in accordance with this Treaty, and the award thereon shall be final. (4) Any difference in respect to a question of fact, or of international law, involving the territory, the territorial rights, sovereignty, or jurisdiction of either Power, or any pecuniary claim or group of claims of any kind, involving a sum larger than £100,000 shall be referred to arbitration under this Treaty. But if in any such case, within three months after the award has been reported, either Power protests that such award is erroneous in respect to some issue of fact, or some issue of international law, the award shall be reviewed by a Court composed of three of the Judges of the Supreme Court of Great Britain and three of the Judges of the Supreme Court of the United States, and if the said Court shall determine, after hearing the case, by a majority of not less than five to one, that the said issue has been rightly determined, the award shall stand and be final; but in default of such determination, it shall not be valid. If no protest is entered by either Power against the award within the time limited, it shall be final. (5) Any difference which, in the julgment of either Power, materially affects its honour, or the integrity of its territory, shall not be referred to arbitration except by special agreement. (6) Any difference whatever, by agreement between the two Powers, may be referred for decision by arbitration as herein provided, with the stipulation that, unless accepted by both Powers, the decision shall not be valid. The time and place of their meeting, and all arrangements for the hearing, and all questions of procedure, shall be decided by the Arbitrators, or by the umpire, if need be. MR. OLNEY'S AMENDMENTS. Mr. Olney, in acknowledging on April 11th the receipt of a copy of the above Despatch, states at the outset "that these proposals of Her Majesty's Prime Minister are welcomed by the President with the keenest appreciation of their value and of the enlightened and progressive spirit which animates them." He takes exception, however, to Articles 4 and 5. The first, he urges, is open to serious objection, as not securing an end to the controversy, unless an award is concurred in by at least five out of six Appellate Arbiters. In the place of these two Articles he proposes the following: Art. 4. Arbitration, under this Treaty, shall also be obligatory in respect of all questions now pending or hereafter arising involving territorial rights, boundaries, sovereignty or jurisdiction, or any pecuniary claim or group of claims aggregating a sum larger than £100,000 and in respect of all controversies not in this Treaty specifically described. Provided, however, that either the Congress of the United States on the one hand, or the Parliament of Great Britain on the other, at any time before the Arbitral Tribunal shall have convened for the consideration of any particular subject matter, may by Act or Resolution declaring such particular subject matter to involve the national honour or integrity, withdraw the same from the operation of this Treaty; and provided further, that if a controversy shall arise, when either the Congress of the United States or the Parliament of Great Britain shall not be in session and such controversy shall be deemed by her Britannic Majesty's Government, or by that of the United States, acting through the President, to be of such nature that the international honour or integrity may be involved, such difference or controversy shall not be submitted to arbitration under this Treaty, until the Congress and the Parliament shall have had opportunity to take action thereon. In the case of controversies provided for by this Article, the award is to be final, if concurred in by all the Arbitrators. If assented to by a majority only, the parties may protest within three months of its promulgation. 66 AGREED ON A FIRST STEP. In a despatch to Sir J. Pauncefote on May 18th, Lord Salisbury expressed regret "that in some essential particulars the opinions of the two Governments do not as yet seem to be sufficiently in accord to enable them to come to a definite agreement upon the whole of this important subject." "It is," however, he says, more material on the present occasion to dwell upon the encouraging fact that Her Majesty's Government and the Government of the United States are entirely agreed in approving the language of Article 3, and the policy it is designed to sanction. Under these circumstances, it appears to me to be a matter for regret that the two Governments should now neglect the opportunity of embodying their common view, so far as it is ascertained, in a separate Convention. To do so would not be to prejudice in the slightest degree the chance of coming to an agreement on the more difficult portion of the subject, which concerns territorial claims. The first step would not prevent the ulterior steps being taken; it would rather lead to them." "THE ADOPTED." We have received a copy of a little volume of verse, with the above title (published by W. Rapp, Saltburn). It is written in a pleasing style and with evident appreciation of the beauties of nature. The authoress dwells, in particular, upon the influences of the ocean upon the mind of its observer. She writes : 66 My soul A Friendly Warning.-First Tramp: "I wadna advise ye tae gang up there!" Second Tramp: "What wye? Is there a muckle doug?" First Tramp: "No; but there's a danger o’wark."-Punch. THE PEACE SOCIETY AND THE EMPEROR OF GERMANY. The following Address has just been sent to the Emperor of Germany : TO HIS IMPERIAL MAJESTY THE GERMAN EMPEROR. May it please Your Majesty, The Committee of the Peace Society desire respectfully to bring to the notice of Your Majesty a movement on behalf of International Peace, for which they very earnestly solicit your sympathy and approval. Convinced that the principles of Peace and goodwill, which are so widely stirring in men's thoughts, and are surely declaring themselves as one of the chief factors in the present gradual evolution of Society, are of the very essence of the Christian religion and of its Divine Gospel for humanity, this Society has strenuously sought the sympathy and co-operation of Christian Churches and Pastors in the propagation of these principles. Year by year, for a number of years, it has issued an invitation to those of this country, asking them to observe one Sunday in the year as Peace Sunday, preferably the fourth Sunday in Advent, when Christians of every name are anticipating the birth of Him whose coming was to initiate the new era of Peace and goodwill, that is, a day for reiterating and emphasising in their public services and teaching the Bethlehem Message-the gladtidings of great joy, which were declared to be for all people. The result of this action of the Society has exceeded the most sanguine expectation. The invitation has met with very general response, and the appropriateness of the suggestion, and of the subject to the season, has taken hold of the Christian imagination, so that each year the observance has increased, until it has become one of the settled institutions of all Churches in the land. At least 5,000 Ministers and Congregations have every year complied with the invitation of the Society, forming a fraternal concert, which has not only been gratifying and beneficial so far as the Churches themselves are concerned, but which has, undoubtedly, had an appreciable influence upon the national life and temper. This pacific aspect of the Redeemer's Gospel and Kingdom, however, is not confined by ecclesiastical organisations or forms or creeds, or by nationality, still less By parallels of latitude, by mountain range and sea, but is common to all nations who "profess and call themselves Christians," to all who love and follow the Lord Jesus Christ in all lands. The Kingdom of God is righteousness and peace. Goodwill and Peace are the very central idea of the Christian religion and its main characteristic. Here, therefore, all Christian nations are one-theoretically, at any rate. In this article of the Christian faith all are agreed. Nevertheless it is equally true that, while all more or less acquiesce, it is only the nations of the Reformed Faith who have realised it as a practical power and who have found their Evangelical religion a bulwark of national liberty, and a real preparation for international Peace. The Society, therefore, confidently appeals to Your Majesty, as foremost among the Protestant rulers of Europe, and solicits your sanction and approval in bringing this observance of Peace Sunday-this idea of special advocacy of Peace and goodwill, at the season of Peace and goodwill, before the Clergy of your great Empire, and, if it may presume further, it requests Your Majesty's recommendation of it to them, not, of course, as the suggestion of this Society, but on your own initiative. This would secure such a response as would be most gratifying and salutary in its results, not to the Churches and Pastors only, but to the whole Fatherland. APPEAL TO THE JEWS FOR THEIR SUPPORT FOR THE PEACE CAUSE. The following has been extensively circulated amongst members of the Jewish persuasion : "Peace Society, "47, New Broad Street, "London, E.C. "Dear Sir,-In an article on the Struggle between Peace and War,' the Jewish Chronicle, last Autumn, had the striking words: 'We cannot think that Jews have taken a proper attitude on this momentous issue. Every Jew should be a member of the Peace Society; yet very few of our co-religionists are found enrolled under its banners.' And, after referring to the undoubted patriotism of members of the Jewish race, in whatever country they may be situated, it continues :- Patriotism is so engrained in the Jewish sentiment, that instead of asking, "Can Jews be patriots? "the question really is: "Can Jews rise sufficiently above narrow national patriotism to fulfil the great mission of Israel-the creation of a state of society worthy of the Messianic dreams and predictions of the great Old Testament Prophets?" For to the everlasting glory of Judaism, it must be remembered that the Millennium is pictured in the Bible, not merely or chiefly as a triumph for the Jewish religion, but as a triumph for human nature against its direst antagonists. True, Micah says: "Out of Zion shall go forth the law," but he adds: "The Lord will judge between the nations and reprove many peoples; and they shall beat their swords into plouglishares and their spears into pruninghooks; nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neit! er shall they learn war any more." Somewhat subsequently another paper, the Jewish World, in an article upon the autumnal meetings of the Peace Society at Birmingham, remarks --The idea of abolishing war altogether is purely Jewish, and forms the central thought of the Hebrew Prophetic ideal, while even the Mosaic law, in an age when war was unavoidable, laid down the principle of Peace, by enjoining that the Israelites should never be the first to declare war, and when it had been declared should always offer terms of Peace to the enemy. The facts brought forward at the recent Pence meetings show how much the Christian nations of the world have gone back from this ideal, in spite of the professions of Christianity that would make even defensive war a sin, and notwithstanding that those wishing to convert Jews to Christianity say that the Messiah has already come. Nevertheless, we Jews, whose every prayer ends with a supplication for “ Peace on earth as in heaven," should join with those of our Christian brethren who really "seek Peace and pursue it," and help in hastening the realisation of this Jewish ideal on earth. We hope on future occasions to be able to note that Jews have joined the Peace Society and spoken at its conferences.' "I venture to bring these quotations to your notice in order to base on them a very hearty invitation, in the name of the Peace Society, to become one of its members. We shall be very glad to welcome you to its membership. The constitution of the Society, it is right for me to say, is very simple. Its object is, the promotion of permanent and universal Peace, upon the basis of Christian principles,' and it welcomes all persons of every denomination who are desirous of uniting in the promotion of Peace on earth and goodwill toward men.' Permit me, however, respectfully to urge that the word' Christian' need not for any ground of hesitation, because, even if Christianity itself were not altogether of Jewish origin, it is just that aspect of it which embodies the great Jewish ideal, as expressed so well in the above quotations, which the Peace Society has endeavoured to maintain, to advocate, and to embody whenever possible in the practical life and intercourse of all nations. And, in the promotion of this essentially Jewish ideal, to which we are devoted with all our hearts, we invite (shall I add, we fraternally claim?) your cooperation. "I am, dear Sir, M. PASSY'S SKETCH OF THE PEACE MOVEMENT IN EUROPE. The veteran M. Frédérick Passy contributes to the American Journal of Sociology (Chicago) a valuable paper, from which we extract the following passages :— A few years ago it would have been an easy task to give an account of the Peace Movement in Europe, at least so far as its outward manifestations were concerned. There had been Peace Congresses held, at more or less frequent intervals, in Brussels, London, Frankfort, Paris, and Geneva, and some of them, notably that of Paris, held in 1849, with Victor Hugo as president, awakened an echo throughout the civilised world. Nevertheless, these enemies of war and bloodshed seemed to have little influence. Outside of the Peace Society," so nobly directed by the late Henry Richard, M.P., and the Société Française pour l'Arbitrage entre nations, of which I had the honour to be one of the founders, and the Ligue de la Paix et de la Liberté, founded shortly afterward by Lemonnier, with headquarters in Switzerland, there seemed to be no openly expressed manifestations of a desire for peace, except on the part of a few isolated individuals. Moreover, philosophers, statesmen, and men of affairs, even if they sometimes paid homage to the noble intentions of those people, who dared to talk of peace and goodwill among nations as among individuals, and a public as well as a private code of morals, scarcely concealed their pity for these visionary reformers, as they were regarded. A most striking and significant fact is the ever-increasing rapidity with which Societies for the promotion of Peace have sprung up. The elder Peace Society was not the only organisation of this kind in England, but it was the only important one for a long time. To-day it has the satisfaction of seeing numerous societies which have sprung up in imitation of it, first among which stands the International Arbitration and Peace Association, under the direction of a man who has a truly international reputation, Mr. Hodgson Pratt; the International Arbitration League, of which Mr. Randall Cremer is the leading spirit; the Women's Peace Association, to which Mrs. Henry Richard has devoted herself, thus continuing the work of the man whose name she bears; and many others, sustained by the zeal and generosity of such women as Miss Peckover and Miss Ellen Robinson. In France we no longer have merely the Société Française pour l'Arbitrage, which includes such men as Berthelot, the present Minister of Foreign Affairs; Trarieux, former Minister of Justice; Charles Richet, the eminent physiologist; D'Arsonval, the successor of Claude Bernard and of Brown-Séquard ; Armand Gautier, Professor of Chemistry in the Medical College and member of the Institute; Baron Courcel, Ambassador to England; Arthur Desjardins, attorney-general in the Court of Appeals and member of the Institute; De Foville, Master of the Mint and member of the Institute; Lyon Caen, professor in the Law School and member of the Institute; Henry Monod, director of public charities, and many others. At the side of this society others have sprung up, such as the Familistère of Guise, of Abbeville and of Ponthieu; of Clermont-Ferrand, and of Creuse, under the direction of the abbé Pichot; and different Women's Societies, either exclusively French, or united with similar societies in England, Switzerland or Germany. Italy, oppressed as it is by its military system, is a perfect hotbed for Anti-Military Societies. They exist in Sicily, Naples, Rome, Genoa, Parma, Venice, Turin, Sienna, Perugia, and even in the smaller towns. The most important and influential society, however, is the Lombard Union for the Promotion of Peace, which is directed with extraordinary talent and devotion by the able and fearless Theodore Moneta, editor-in-chief of that great popular newspaper, Il Secolo, of Milan. Belgium and Holland have their own Societies, which are daily increasing in numbers and influence. The Scandinavian countries, Sweden, Norway, Denmark, have been, so to speak, entirely won over to the cause of Peace and Arbitration. In the latter country alone, a petition, started by M. Frédérick Bajer, received within a few weeks, more than two hundred thousand signatures. It would be possible to extend this list indefinitely, if I were to pass in review all the countries of Europe, from Portugal to Greece, not omitting Roumania and the neighbouring countries. But especial mention must be made of the work which has been lately accomplished in all of central Europe, in Prussia, Austria and Hungary. Not more than two or three years ago, there was only one Peace Society in Germany, namely, that of Frankfort, which in its isolation led a feeble and precarious existence. Today there are at least thirty, the most important being that of Berlin, all of which keep up constant communication with each other for their mutual encouragement. It is at Dresden that the most important of the Peace organs, Die Waffen Nieder, is published (by G. Pierson,) under the direction of the Baroness Suttner (Schloss Harmannsdorf, Post Eggenburg, Lower Austria), who has gained a world-wide reputation through the novel bearing that title, and who is sustained by the cooperation of some of the most eminent and popular writers. At Vienna, near which she resides, the celebrated Baroness has founded a Peace Society in which figure some great names and personages of high rank, and this is far from being the only society of this kind in Austria. In Hungary, finally, where the Universal Peace Congress is to meet this year, a Peace Society recently held, under the direction of the national poet Jokai, an inaugural meeting with ceremonies which rendered it, in itself, a great event. It is needless to say that all these societies have organs of their own, more or less widely circulated; Newspapers, Pamphlets, Reviews; that they hold Meetings, listen to speeches, and so far as their resources permit, send out Tracts and Programmes in considerable numbers. At the same time, the language and tone of the newspapers in every country have been greatly modified. Formerly they affected to be unaware of our existence and passed over in silence facts of the greatest importance. The great Debate of July 8th, 1873, in which Henry Richard, by an admirable speech, prevailed upon the House of Commons to vote an address to the Queen in favour of Arbitration, was not even mentioned on the Continent, even by those papers which pretend to be best informed as to current events. Now all the important proceedings of the Peace Societies, the motions of the Members of different Parliaments, the Congresses, the speeches, are announced and discussed, sometimes guardedly, and sometimes with explicit approval. Upon the slightest disturbance, appeal is made to Arbitration as an unfailing resource. This has been well illustrated, as both regard to Venezuela, Transvaal and Armenia, which in spite of Americans and Europeans know, during the recent troubles in their gravity have not destroyed public confidence in Arbitration. Every year lengthens the list of Arbitrations brought to a successful issue, thus confirming the faith of the apostles and preachers of the gospel of Arbitration and overcoming and disarming the objections of the incredulous. Moreover the press of all countries and languages, influenced by the progress of ideas and the need of satisfying the ever-increasing demands of the public, is beginning to play an important part in the study of international questions, and may thus be called, in the fullest sense of the term, cosmopolitan. I have spoken of Peace Societies, and how rapidly they have multiplied; but I have not spoken of their International Meetings. It is generally known, I suppose, that every year, since 1889, in one city or another on either continent-for in 1893 such a meeting was held in Chicago-Peace Congresses are held, in which are assembled members, or delegates, from all the Peace Societies in the world. But not everyone knows the importance which has from year to year been attached to these pacific assemblies and the power of the permanent institution which has grown out of them. The Congress of 1889, at Paris, and that of 1890, at London, held their sittings in the town halls, which in itself was something. That of 1891, at Rome, however, held its first meeting in the Capitol, where it was officially received by the Syndic of the Eternal City, with befitting pomp. That of 1892, at Berne, was presided over by the most esteemed and popular man in all Switzerland, the late Louis Ruchonnet, formerly at the head of the governinent of the Confederation. At Antwerp, in 1896, the Congress was received by the Burgomaster in the Town Hall and a delegation of the members had the honour to be presented to the King. I have said nothing of the Peace Sunday instituted in England, that from every pulpit whose minister espouses this cause there may be heard, on the same day, the same vows and the same prayers; nor of the Congress of Religions at Chicago. |