might have been saved, had the literati of the two universities followed either of those useful occupations. Lincoin's Inn, Jan. 21, 1807. W. F.S. SUGAR TRADE: (Continued from page 185.) 5. The use of Sugar and Molasses should be permitted in our distilleries in Great Britain. A proposition to this effect is now under consideration in the House of Commons, where Mr. Baker is represented to have expressed an apprehension, that the landed interest might be hurt by a cheapness in the price of corn, in consequence of such permission. I have already stated, that such au quired any given number of ideas upon any one given science, whether religion, ethics, physics, or any other, that although I should employ myself twenty years in the study, and absolutely attain to the knowledge of ten different languages, that I shall not then be one jot wiser upon either of those sciences than I was before, unless I shall have added to the number or stock of those ideas with which I was previously familiar; by which I mean to be understood, that wisdom consists in ideas and not in words, which are mere vehicles or mental travelling-chaises, by which the idea or conception of one man is conveyed to the understanding of another so that the knowledge of various languages is only useful in pro-apprehension is altogether groundless; but, portion as it affords us those ideas, which by the mere knowledge of our own language we could not obtain. Now, then, Mr. Cobbett, I come to close combat with the late Oxford Collegiate, and I think he must be worsted, unless he can defend himself by producing, which I defy him to do, some one idea that he has acquired from his acquaintance with the LEARNED LANGUAGES, that was not previously to be found in some one of the works of John Bull, either original or a translation, printed in our own invaluable, but ill-fated language, to depreciate the sublimity, beauty, and harmony where of, there has been a conspiracy in this coun try for many centuries, and will continue to be so, I am afraid, so long as those two receptacles for learned-insanes, called the universities, are suffered to remain. I challenge then, I say, the Oxonian to give us any one such new idea, either the discovery of himself or any of his associates, within the last twenty years; and, if he cannot satisfactorily answer this challenge, I leave it to the impartial among us to say, to what a straightened condition the university hero is reduced-Should he, however, by any very lucky hit, by any fortuitous circumstance, inform us of one solitary novelty, I shall then leave it to you, Mr. Cobbett, gravely to sit in judgment, if you can, and putting the important discovery in one scale, and the myriad of hours which the myriad of scholars have devoted to the study of the learned languages in the other, to tell us, whether the discovery be a compensation or not for the anxiety, loss of health, labour, and time, which these learned persons have experienced in the course of that period; at the same time bearing in mind, the immense BOUNTIES which have been given, from time to time, within these twenty years, for soldiers, sailors, and ship-carpenters, the greater part of which expense as the tenderest regard is due to the landed interest, and, as I consider the suggestions of the member for Staffordshire to be entitled to considerable respect, I will proceed more at length to establish what I have asserted on this head. I must, however, by the way, observe on the summary proof of the astonishingly rapid depreciation in the exchangeable value of money, afforded by this single instance. During 10 years ending 1780, the average price of the quarternloaf was 7d. During the next 10 years it was 7, (see Reg. vol. vi. p. 239, vol. vii. p. 307.) In the beginning of 1807, the same loaf sells for 1s. 1d.; and at the same time an intelligent member of parliament is fearful, and in the House of Commons expresses his fear, that the landed interest should suffer by the cheapness of corn. Sir, I do not assert that corn is too dear, or that it is likely to be too dear: but, I do assert, and every man of common sense and common fairness will immediately admit the truth of the assertion, that while the price of bread las thus increased, and while, as is most notorious, the price of all other necessaries, and the wages of labour, and the money returns on every other sort of real capital have likewise increased, it is most monstrous that the Englishmen who have possessions in our West Indies should alone be reduced, and reduced not by natural causes, but by the measures of government, to the necessity of selling the produce which they raise, for a less money price even than it yielded five and twenty years ago. But, I am now to shew, that the use of British sugar and molasses in the British distilleries, need not excite any alarm, that British corn would become too cheap. The price of British corn depends on the parliamentary regulations respecting the importation of foreign corn. It is well known, that in this country we have not for several years past. produced enough of corn for the food of our own people, and of the beasts employed in the tillage of our land, and to furnish meat; and there is very little doubt, that the deficiency is yearly increasing; for, though the quantity of corn raised may be augmented by new inclosures, and an improved system of agriculture, yet there is abundant reason to convince us, that the demand for corn is still more augmented, by reason of our increasing population. Now, in such a state of things it is plain, that if there were no importation of foreign grain, our corn would sell at a monopoly price; that is, the highest price which the producer should require, and the consumer should be able to pay for the latter must buy corn, or he must starve; and without importation there would not be in the market so much as he wants. He would therefore be completely at the mercy of the producer. To prevent this evil, and the famine which would attend it, the importation of corn from abroad is permitted; but, still (in adherence to those benign principles, which are uniformly acted upon in favour of all classes of Englishmen, except those who have property in our West Indian islands) this importation is restricted by protecting duties; by means of which the price of corn can never fail below that point, at which it is supposed to yield to the producer sufficient return; for, in case of its depending to that point, prohibiting duties would immediately attach upon the importation of foreign grain, by the operation of which duties, no corn could be brought to our markets but that which had been raised at home: and as the whole quantity of this is known to be insufficient to supply the demand, the price must immediately rise. At present the corn trade is regulated by the statute of the 44th of the King, under which wheat can never be sold for less than 63s. or barley for less than 31s. 6d. the quarter; seeing that, whenever the prices fall below these points, prohibitory duties attach upon importation. From our colonies in North America indeed, corn might be imported without those duties till the price of wheat is below 53s. and that of barley below 26s. the quarter; but, these colonies have in or dinary years quite enough to do to find themselves; and in the best seasons our supply from them is so extremely frivolous, that it has no effect on the market; and this distinction in their favour is, in truth, utterly unworthy of notice, except in so far as it furnishes a very striking additional proof of the care, with which the most minute interests of all other persons connected however slightly with England are watched over and protracted, while those alone of Englishmen possessing property in possessing property in our West Indian islands, have of late years been in some cases systematically sacrificed, and in others most grossly neglected. Mr. Baker's alarm presupposes that spirits can be obtained from sugar and molasses at less cost, than from corn; for, otherwise there would be no danger that an ounce of either of the former articles would be substituted in the distilleries in place of the latter. It is also acknowledged, that if our stills did not consume one single bushel of grain, we should yet be obliged to import corn from abroad, to supply a sufficiency of food; and, consequently, that the whole quantity of corn which we distil is purchased from foreigners. Now, why are we to continue thus paying annually to foreign nations a high price for the materials for distillation, when we can obtain for a lower price equally good ingredients, the property of our own subjects, raised on our own land? I can indeed, conceive, that a very timid and jealous landholder might argue this. "I admit that the whole quanti ty of corn distilled in England is bought "from foreigners, and that our own sugar " and molasses would give us the same "quantity of equally good spirits on better terms; but, notwithstanding this, if we ceased to distil corn, our demand for corn "in the foreign markets would be lessened, "and the price of foreign corn would also 66 fall; so that, perhaps, foreigners might be "able to afford to introduce their corn into "this country, even after paying those high "duties, which in the present circumstances "amount to a prohibition, and if so we must "be undersold." To this the answer is short and simple; the present high duties are twenty-four shillings and threepence the quarter on wheat, and twenty-two shillings on barley. Whether any foreign wheat and barley could after payment of such duties be sold in this country for less than 63s, and 31s. 6d respectively, the quarter, I submit must to persons more masters of the subject than I pretend to be. But, let the objection have the utmost force, that can be demanded for it. I have already fuily proved, that as long as we do not grow corn enough. to supply ourselves with food, government has the power by protracting duties to prevent its price from falling to any point above which it may be thought right to keep it. To be continued. Printed by Cox and Baylis, No. 75, Great Queen Street, and published by R. Bagshaw, Brydges Street Covent Garden, where former Numbers may be had; sold also by J. Budd, Crown and Mitre, Pall Mall. VOL. XI. No. 7.] LONDON, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 14, 1807. [PRICE 10D. "They divided the nation (of Ireland) into two distinct bodies, without common interest, sympathy, or connection. One of these bodies was to posses all the franchises, all the property, all the education: "the other was to be composed of the drawers of water, and the cutters of turf for thein. Are we to be astonished, when, by the efforts of so much violence in conquest, and so much policy in regulation, con"tinued without intermission for near a hundred years, we had reduced them to a mob; that, whenever "they came to act at all, many of them would act exactly like a mob, without temper, without measure, "or foresight? Surely, it might be just now a matter of temperate discussion, whether you ought not to "apply a renely to the real cause of the evil."------ -BURKE, Vol. VI. p. 394. puty Clerk of the Crown was ordered to "attend the House to-morrow to amend "the said returns. Mr. Wright made a "special report from the Committee, that "Sir C. Hawkins, by himself and his agents, was guilty of bribery and corrup"tion, and that John Stona the elder, James "Edgcombe, and the Reverend Robert Dil lou were parties to the said bribery and "corruption." This Sir C. Hawkins has been long famous; and, it is said, that, for many years last past, he has been labouring, in the same way that their lordships of Carrington and Rendlesham laboured, to obtain a peerage. What a pity, that the labours of so many years should be marred in a moment! I cannot say, that this discovery and the probable consequence of it, with respect to poor Sir Christopher, give me any pleasure. I think it, indeed, calcu lated to do harm, rather than good; because it may lead weak persons to conclude, that this " bribery and corruption" as they are coarsely called, are quite common at elections; that no small part of the "faithful "Commons procure themselves to be returned by such means; and, it may lead saucy inquirers to ask, how the members for Old Sarum, for St. Maws, or Newtown, or any other member of some three hundred of the boroughs are returned. So that, ju [226 fact, the principal effect of such discoveries is to furnish a handle to Jacobins and Levellers to carp at our invaluable constitution, to call aloud for reform in one way or another, and to compel the loyal subjects of his Majesty to take places and pensions, whereby to be enabled to defend our Gracious Sovereign and our Holy Religion against the attacks of the said Jacobius and Levellers. And, against this fearful evil, what is the good we obtain? Why, the mighty good, is, the seating of Harry Swann, whom the election men emphatically call, Lawyer Swann, instead of Sir Christopher Hawkins! I am really sorry to see any election petitions at all; and still more sorry to see them succeed; for, I am certain that such success tends to the keeping up of a most mischievous deception. The whole thing had better go on just as it is going. I do not like to see any interruption to its progress, at least in this petty way. We are all of us getting very fast into a correct opinion upon every matter relating to the organization of the House of Commons. Events, passed, passing, and coming on, are great teachers, and will not fail to make us all perceive the real source of our burthens and calamities. The day is not far distant, when it will be out of the power of Sir Christopher Hawkins, or any such man, to blind the eyes, or restrain the indignation of the injured and insulted people of England, who will not for ever be held in such terror as not to dare to speak the truth in plain terms.--II. NEUTRAL COMMERCE, as regulated by the last order in council, became the subject of a long debate in the House of Commons, on Wednesday, the 4th instant, in consequence of a motion, made by Mr. Perceval, for the laying of that order officially before the House, with a view, on his part, to shew, that it did not go far enough, and that the forbearance manifested in it towards neutrals, was unwise, and was, indeed, degrading to the country. The motion, after to take it up!- -For my part, I think, that this law will produce great and various mischief, and very little good of any sort. I am convinced. that the Slave Trade, by removing some of the Africans to the islands of America, bettered their condition. That they were better off in America than ind Africa; and, of course, that there was no inhumanity in the Trade itself, generally speaking. But, it is now quite useless to give opinious upon the subject; and all that remains for us to do, is, to express our hope, that the principles, upon which this act has been framed, with regard to the Blacks, may not be forgetten, when toen are treating of matters relating to the Whites of foreign countries, who are not, at any rate, less wor thy of the cares of humanity, on account of the colour of their skin. In the newspaper report of the debate, upon this occasion, Lord Grenville is stated to have said, that, having shewn to a British House of Peers that humanity was wounded by the Slave Trade, he was sure he might safely rely upon their decision against it; forgetting, probably, that all that he attempted to shew, had been shewn to a British House of Peers twenty years ago, and at many periods subsequent to that time. But, his Lordship is reported further to have said, in the form of a question: "What right do we derive from any "human institution, or any divine ordi"nance, to deprive the nations of Africa, several long speeches, was not put to the vote, and. that, too, while the mover insisted, that no sound argument against its production had been advanced; nor can I, for my part, see any other reason why the latter did not divide the House upon the question, except that he was conscious, that he should be Jeft in a minority so small as to render his party ridiculous amongst those, who have no other way of estimating the merits of a question, than that of counting the noses of the voters. As to the propriety of issuing such an order of council, that question must be determined upon principles of policy, none of which principles appeared, from the report of the debate, to be at all comprehensible to Mr. Perceval, who sceined to have lost sight of every thing but revenge; instant revenge, by all the means in our power; instant injury to the enemy, without the least consideration as to the consequences with regard to ourselves. This was happily enough illustrated by Lord Howick in his comparison of the nan and the monkey; bat, his lordship, in the conclusion of his speech, had recourse again, if the report speak truth, to one of the old Pitt arguments for silencing his opponents, an argument totally unworthy of any man of an upright mind. This was it.-Ministers have issued the order in council; to find fault with the order in council, or to call for it with a view to censure it, is to find fault with ministers, or at least, to ex press a doubt of their wisdom or integrity; if you entertain a doubt of this wisdom or integrity, you must entertain a doubt, whether they be fit to fill their present situation; and, therefore, instead of this motion, institution, from which the slave-dealer and stead of attacking them thus, by a side wind, you should more, at once, for an address to the king, praying him to turn out the ministers. This argument is a sweeper. It applies to all times and all circumstances. It was the argument with which Pitt a thousand times silenced the voice of his opponents. If there had been a really independent member in the House, who would have said, " with all my heart: I will move such an address; but, my Lord, let us first agree, that, before we divide, "every placeman and pensioner shall with"draw." If there had been such a man, so to speak, my Lord Howick would not have had much of a triumphIII. The bill for ABOLISHING THE SLAVE TRADE passed, in the House of Lords, or, at least, its passing was decided on, on Thursday the 5th instant, by a majority of 136 against 90. So successful is the cause of "humanity" when the ministers choose by force, of the means of labouring for "their own advantage, and to compel them "to labour for our profit?" As no one answered this question, my Lord, I will; and, my answer is this: that the human in planter derive this right, is of exactly the same sort, as that, whence your Lordship derives your right to be, at one and the same time, First Lord of the Treasury and Auditor of the Exchequer; of exactly the same sort, as that, whence your Lordship derives your right to receive the salary, of the former as well as of the latter office, while, as to the former, you are even exempted from the labour of putting your name to the Exchequer Bills; and that is, my Lord, the law; acts of parliament, of which there are many to sanction the Slave-Trade, and, in conse quence of which acts, thousands of British subjects have deposited their fortunes in West-India property. As to any divine ordinance, sanctioning this trade, there is none, that I know of, which can be adduced, except by implication; nor is it very extraor dinary, I presume, that, in the history of the Children of Israel, we should not be able to find any special provision for the govern merciless grasp.-There is another propo sition, too, in which I have the good fortune to concur most heartily with your Lordship, who is reported to have said, that, as men became free, they would feel an interest in the defence of their country; that they would feel grateful towards the government, and loyal towards the king. Nothing can be more consonant to reason, especially if the men, thus becoming free, are capable of distinguishing between freedom and slavery; for, as your lordship very wisely inferred, it is preposterous, to the last degree, to suppose, that slaves, answering to the portrait above drawn, should feel any interest at all in the fate of the soil, which they are com ment of the West-India Islands; but, my Lord, while I acknowledge, that there is no divine ordinance directly and specially sanctioning this traffic; while I admit this fact, I must reject the inference; for, I might, and I would were it not for the dread of being thought coarse," defy the ingenuity and profundity of your Lordship, to discover, or to deduce, even after the mauner of Lord Peter in the Tale of a Tub, an authority, from Holy Writ, for the holding of the two offices above-mentioned.To the latter part of your Lordship's question I have no answer; for, I am decidedly of opinion, that, whether men are of black or white skin, it is abominably wicked to deprive the many of the means of labouring for their own ad-pelled to cultivate for the sole benefit of vantage, and to compel them to labour for the profit of the few. Aud, my Lord, such is my way of thinking upon this subject, that the oppression is, in my estimation, precisely the same in point of guilt, whether the oppressed party go by the name of pauper, or that of slave. I attach, my Lord, very little importance to mere words; and to me, it signifies little by what name or title the execrable oppressor be known. Nor, my Lord, am I to be at all amused with the talk of freedom, heard from the mouths of some foreign tyrants, as the devil is said to quote scripture more glibly than a fieldpreacher; I look at the man and his condi| tion; and, if I find, that he labours solely for the profit of others; that the fruit of his labour is drawn away, whether by a visible or invisible hand; that, from the very nature of the state of things, it is impossible, gene rally speaking, that he should ever possess any thing worthy of the name of property; that he has nothing upon the face of the earth but his miseries that he can call his own; that his dress is rags; that his food is barely sufficient to preserve life; that he dares not open his lips, lest his words should give pain to the pride of his oppressors; that for him to speak truth is an offence that exposes him to severe bodily punishment; that, in short, he is suffered to exist, even in this state of misery, for the sole purpose of enabling his oppressors to wallow in luxury, to revel in debauchery, to set at defiance all laws, whether human or divine: if I find this to be his state, my Lord, whatever be the place of his abode or the colour of his skin, by whatever name, whether of Jash, staff, or bayonet, the instrument be called that keeps him in subjection, and by whatever appellation his oppressors_mag choose to distinguish themselves, still I call him a slave; and still I wish and still I pray for his deliverance from their greedy and others; and, that they should, for the pre- |