by the King of the Netherlands, who are to reside in this capital, and a Consul for the city of Guayra. The Executive has expedited the corresponding exequatur, and will profit by this conjunction, to establish, on a footing of the most pure friendship, the relations of Colombia with the King of the Netherlands.

The person appointed by the order of the Government of France to serve as superior Agent for French Commerce, has lately received the title of Inspector of Commerce in Bogota and its dependencies, being that given him by the Minister for Foreign Affairs but the Executive finding new difficulties in sending him his exequatur, has suspended it until the connexion between the Government of Colombia and his Most Christian Majesty can be defined with clearness, and according to the public rights.

The Kings of Denmark, Prussia, and Bavaria, have shown an interest in opening relations with the Republic, and establishing them permanently, for the good of the respective countries. The executive have met this interest in the most favourable manner, without, however, compromising the national dignity, or departing from the rules which have been adopted with respect to the nations with whom we have entered into public treaties.

The Libertador Pesident proclaims in a decree, promulgated at Maraicabo,that his duty binds him to employ the armed force, to bring under the obedience of the National Government, the towns which have separated themselves from it, and, in fact, all his measures

actively join to bring about so laudable a result. From Boyaca, Maraicabo, and Carthagena, auxiliaries of all kinds went forth. General Urdaneta directed his course to the west of Venezuela, and the Libertador President his, to the town of Puerto-Cabello, which was already separated from the refractory party. The towns hastened to proclaim their obedience to the Libertador President; and the dissentient authorities of Venezuela laid down their arms and submitted with the rest.

These successes will be made more particularly known to the Congress, by the documents which will be laid before it, as soon as ready. In them will be seen the loyalty of the districts of Mantecal, Guadualito, and other towns of the province of Apure, at the head of which the faithful and brave Colonel Inchazu placed himself; it will also be seen, that the influence of the Libertador President, with the mildness and indulgence with which he accompanied all his acts, quenched the flames of civil war, re-established the divine sway of the laws, and brought peace to Colombia.

The Congress will be well able to appreciate the immense blessings of domestic peace, under the protection of which it can discuss the interests of the nation, and listen to its remonstrances. Instead of the disasters, lamentation, and tears, which the civil wars had caused, nothing is now to be seen but sincere desires to heal the wounds of our country, and to attend to its true happiness. The evil seemed inevitable; in Cumana, the precious blood of Colombians had already flowed; the

fratricide cannon thundered in Porto Cabello; a disastrous conflict was preparing in Apure between the very soldiers who had overcome the Spanish army-hatred, revenge, and division, threatened to involve the Republic in ruin and desolation. But with the experience which the people already had of the evils they suffered, at the voice of the Libertador, at the presence of his troops, on hearing his promises, order succeeded to confusion, hope to despair, confidence to fear, reason to passion, and peace to Such is the state of the Northern Departments, according to the most recent communications received from the Secretary-General of the Libertador.

war.

I press upon the Congress the necessity of revising the organic law relating to Schools. The censures to which they have been subject are notorious, and the Executive desires that you may examine the subject in the councils of your wisdom, in order that public education may be spread throughout the vast extent of Colombia, and that there may not be a Colombian who may not enjoy its benefits. The plan of public instruction decreed by the Government, being merely provisional, its reform and amelioration depend on the reforms which may be made in the law, and upon the lights which experience may furnish. It is satisfactory to me to communicate to the Congress, that the produce of the public revenue in the last economic year, from the 1st July, 1825, to 30th June, 1826, has been greater than that of the preceding year; and that the estimate of the expenses

for the present year, is so inferior to the past, that it will not nearly equal the revenue. But it is easy to conceive all the malignant influence that the disturbed political state of the country, which we so much lament, must have had on the national resources. Freed from that, and considering the above-mentioned state of the revenue, it is indubitable that the incrcase of income, and the reduction of our expenses, would have been so considerable that, in the end, we should not only have balanced our expenses and receipts, but should have assured public credit, and consolidated the floating debt, without loading the people with taxes, which in preceding years, have borne too heavy on them. I recommend this matter to your careful consideration, assuring you that there now exists such disorder and confusion in the national finances that it is impossible to provide for the expenses of the Administration and the obligations of the Republic. The Finance Minister will lay before you the last measure adopted by the Executive to pay the interest of the foreign debt, which it was not possible for us to do last year, and which object has been to the Government a cause of great pain and anxiety.

Nothing has happened with respect to the army, except the movement of the auxiliary division of Peru, which took place in Lima the 26th of January. The division on that day deprived the officers, whom the Libertador had appointed with the full authority of Government, of the command. The acting authorities of that division have solemnly renewed their former

to our constitutional laws, a renewal which gives assurance of the fidelity of those authorities, and which the division could not have given, had it not first of all separated itself from its chiefs. The Congress will see in the documents which will be laid before it by the Secretary of War, the prudence with which the Executive has acted in this delicate affair, and the critical situation of those authorities. The subject will be separately considered on another occasion.

The co-operation of Government in the execution of the determinations of Congress, as far as they conduce to public good, is an obligation on its part, whose fulfilment you may expect in all circumstances. The nation has shown its confidence in you, and you have deserved it, and in that confidence it has appointed you to legislate for its dearest interests.

under the blessings of the liberal world. Consecrate yourselves with zeal and firmness, to the radical cure of our political wounds. Your honour and that of Colombia -your fortunes and those of the people you represent-your fate and that of your country, a country worthy of all our sacrifices, depend upon your voices.

Your determination is the death or life of Colombia. Europe and America contemplate you, and posterity waits with justice to execrate or bless your memory. For myself, First Representative of the Republic of Colombia, its First Magistrate in the actual exercise of Government, an old soldier of liberty and faithful subject of the laws, I cannot nor will not barter the glory of my country and its institutions for ruin and anarchy.

F. DE PAULO SANTANDER.
Bogota, 12th May, 1827.

Legislators!

On presenting you with the plan of a constitution for Bolivia, I feel myself overwhelmed with confu sion and timidity, from a persuasion of my unfitness for the task. When I reflect that the wisdom of ages is not sufficient to draw up one fundamental law which is perfect, and that the most enlighten ed legislator is the immediate cause of human misery, and a mockery, as it were, of his divine mission, what am I to say of the soldier

who, born amongst slaves and buried in the deserts of his coontry, has seen nothing but captives in chains, and brethren with arms in their hands to break them? I a legislator! Your mistake and my engagement dispute the preference: I cannot say who suffers most in this dreadful alternative— you, from the evils you must apprehend from the laws you have asked of me; or I, from the disgrace to which your confidence condemns me.

I have made every effort to explain to you my opinions on the manner of governing free men according to the principles adopted amongst civilized nations, although the lessons of experience only present long series of disasters, interrupted by occasional gleams of good fortune. What guides are we to follow through the gloom of such sorrowful examples?

Legislators, your duties call upon you to resist the shocks of two powerful enemies which are constantly contending with each other, and both will attack you at once; tyranny and anarchy form an immense ocean of oppression, which surrounds a small island of liberty, perpetually struggling against the violence of the waves and hurricanes incessantly threatening to bury her in the deep. This is the sea in which your frail bark has to navigate, and whose pilot is so inexperienced.

The plan of a constitution for Bolivia is divided into four political powers; one more having been added, without complicating the principal division of each of the others. The electoral power has received attributions which were not given to it in other Governments, generally considered to be most liberal. These attributions very much resemble those of the Federal System. It has appeared not only prudent and useful, but likewise easy, to give to the immediate representatives of the people, the privileges which would be most coveted by the citizens of each department, its provinces and cantons. No object is of more importance to a citizen than the election of his legislators, magistrates, judges, and pastors. The electoral colleges of every pro

vince represent its wants and interests; and are the organs of complaint for infraction of the laws, and for abuses of the magistrates. I may venture to say, with some foundation, that this branch partakes of the rights enjoyed by the Government of the states of the Federal System. In this way a new weight has been placed in the balance against the executive power; and the Government has acquired fresh guarantees, more popularity, and additional claims to rank among those which are most distinguished for their democratic principles.

an

Every ten citizens name elector; the nation is thus represented by the tenth part of its citizens. Nothing is required but capacity, even property is not necessary, to exercise the august functions of sovereignty; but he must know how to write his vote, sign his name, and read the laws. He must profess some science or an art by which he can secure an honest livelihood. None are excluded but those who are vicious, idle, and grossly ignorant. Knowledge and honesty, not money, are what is required for the exercise of the rights of the people.

The legislative Body is so composed that it must necessarily harmonize amongst its different parts; it will never be found divided for want of a judge to arbitrate, as frequently occurs where there are only two chambers. There being here three, the difference between two is decided by the third; the question is examined by two contending parties, and another impartial one who decides it; in this way no useful law is put aside, or at all events it will have been discussed once, twice, or three times

before it be rejected. In all affairs between two adverse parties a third is chosen to decide, and would it not be absurd not to adopt a measure, dictated by imperious necessity, in the most important interests of society? The Chambers will thus preserve towards each other those considerations which are indispensible to the conservation of the union of the whole, who ought to deliberate in the silence of the passions in the calmness of wisdom. Modern congresses, it will be said, have been composed of only two bodies. It is because in England, which has been their model, the nobility and the people ought to be represented in two chambers; and if in North America they did the same, although they had not nobility, it is probable that habits derived from their living under the British Government induced them to imitate it. The fact is, that two deliberating bodies must be in a continual state of contention; on this account Sieys proposed that there should be only one strange absurdity!

The first chamber is that of Tribunes; they have the right of proposing all laws relative to finance, peace, and war. This body has immediate inspection over those branches administered by the executive with least interference on the part of the legislature.

The senators have the formation of the codes and ecclesiastical regulations; they watch over the administration of justice and over public worship. The senate chooses the prefects, judges of districts, governors, corregidores, and all other persons filling subordinate situations in the courts of justice. It proposes to the chamber of cen

sors the members of the high court of archbishops, bishops, prebends, &c. Whatever has relation to religion and the laws is under the superintendance of the senate.

The censors exercise a political and moral authority, which has some resemblance to that of the Areopagus of Athens and of the Censors of Rome. They are, as it were, the fiscals of the nation against the Government, to watch over the religious observance of the constitution and public treaties. I have placed under their protection the national jury, which is to decide on the good or bad administration of the executive.

The censors are the protectors of public morals, the sciences, the arts, public instruction, and the press. The censors exercise the most terrible as well as the most august functions. They condemn to eternal opprobrium the usurpers of sovereignty and illustrious criminals. They grant public honours to the services and virtues of illustrious citizens. The appreciation of glory has been confided to their hands; the censors ought, therefore, to be of unsullied innocence and unspotted life. If they err, they shall be accused even for trifling faults. To these priests of the laws have been confided the custody of our sacred tables; for they it is who are to prevent their profanation.

The President of the Republic, in our constitution, becomes as the sun, which, immoveable in the centre, gives life to the universe. This supreme authority should be perpetual, because in those forms of society where hereditary rank is unknown, a fixed point, around which magistrates and citizens, men and things, should revolve, is