already given to the study of nature, will find it very readable. Yet, we might add, for the encouragement of those who may attempt it, that no one can get in a simpler form, or with more ease, so much of information in regard to the latest results of science upon the points here discussed, than by reading this work.

The work is dedicated to the memory of Ignatius Doellinger, whom Prof. Agassiz considers, in his personal rather than written influence, the father of modern philosophic embryology in its investigation of the relations of development to Zoology. It seems to carry us very far back, to find that personal influence direct upon the author, who studied under Dollinger from the year 1827 to 1831, and to find one living to link us almost visibly with the times of Wolf and Ponder. It is also dedicated to the memory of Francis Calley Grey, of Boston, to whose zeal and individual action, perhaps its appearance is entirely due. For Prof. Agassiz chancing to mention that the great mass of his American investigations would probably never be published, on account of the costliness of their illustration, Mr. Grey "entered at once into the matter, with an energy and hopefulness which were most inspiring; spent some time in examining the manuscripts, and having satisfied himself of the feasibility of their publication, set on foot a subscription, of which he took the whole direction himself, awakening attention to it by personal application to his friends and acquaintances by his own liberality, and every means which the warmest friendship and the most genuine interest in science could suggest." "My generous friend," adds the Professor, "did not live to witness the completion of the first volume of the series, which without his assistance could not have appeared, but he followed with the deepest interest every step in its progress till the day

of his death."

CONSTITUTIONAL LAW.

An examination of the Constitution and laws of the United States in reference to slavery in the states and territories, has been published in Hartford. It is written by a lawyer, and is a compact legal argument on the subject of which it treats; indeed, we think many unprofessional readers will regard it as too abstract. Were it not for a few

Slavery in the United States of America; its national recognition and relations, from the establishment of the confederacy to the present time. A word to the North and the South. By HENRY SHERMAN, Counselor at Law. Hartford: J. 0. Hurlbert. 1858.

pages at the end of the book, after the conclusion of the argument, no reader could tell what are the prejudices of the writer on the subject of slavery. In a letter written to a friend, an extract from which is given in the latter part of the book, he says,

"As for myself, you know I am not, and never was an 'Abolitionist,' or an 'Anti-Slavery man,' or a 'Free-Soiler.' I have been at the South, and have seen slavery in all its aspects and conditions, and confess to an entire softening down of my prejudices against it."

The argument is one of the strongest against slavery-extension that we have seen, and we will endeavor to give our readers a sketch of it, advising them at the same time, that to appreciate the argument, it should be thoroughly read and digested.

By a comparison of the ordinance of 1787, and the act of Congress for the government of the territory northwest of the river Ohio, of the Constitution of the United States, and of the Fugitive Slave law of 1793, he shows that the recognition and protection of slavery was limited to the original states and territory of the United States; that the Constitution and laws were based on the theory of restricting and suppressing slavery, and not of its extension.

Coming to the purchase of the Louisiana Territory from France, he shows that this was done, not by virtue of any provision of the Constitution, but by virtue of a compact, made by "The sovereignty of the United States," with "The sovereignty of France." The foundation of rights in that territory is not in the Constitution, but in this compact of purchase. This purchase carried not only the territory, but the right to govern it. This brings him to the application of the people of a portion of this territory to be organized under a state government, and the admission into the Union of the State of Missouri.

Here was a new compact, not under, but outside of the Constitution; a compact for the extension of slavery on the one hand, and for its restriction on the other," all the more important because it was unconstitutional. Otherwise, what need of a compromise! He argues that the proviso for the reception of fugitive slaves in that territory, is a standing admission that slavery in the new territory purchased from France, was beyond the reach of any Constitutional recognition or protection. The recognition of slave property there depends not on the Constitution, but on the compact. "The Missouri Compromise," then, was more important to slavery than to freedom.

He next comes to the annexation of Texas, which he claims was not within the power of Congress under the Constitution, but a compact

competent for them to make, independently of the Constitution. But he denies that, after it is made, slavery can be recognized or sustained there, under the Constitution, independently of the compact. If that compact fails, or is repudiated as unconstitutional, then slavery is unrecognized, and the ownership of slave property is unprotected there, by any authority of the United States.

The war with Mexico, and the acquisition of new territory by conquest, brought about the compromise measures of 1850. "The establishment of a territorial government over Utah and New Mexico, admitting California into the Union and enacting the Fugitive Slave law, were all one political compact, outside of the Constitution, and made by a sovereignty not known originally to the Constitution." It is unconstitutional in the same sense, and to the same extent that the Missouri compromise was unconstitutional.

The next important act is the repeal of the Missouri compromise. This compact comprehended three things. 1. The national recognition of slavery in Missouri as a state institution. 2. The guarantee of protection to the ownership of slave property therein. 3. It gives to Missouri the right of a representation in Congress, apportioned to her slave population. The repeal of the compact violated the conditions on which these guarantees were based, and canceled the right to them.

In conclusion, he says, "This whole work was written before the opinion of the Supreme Court was made known in the Dred Scott case. I have given that case a careful examination. Every line I have written, and every point I have advanced, is sustained by the opinion of the Supreme Court, as uttered by Chief Justice Taney. That opinion is vastly more important for freedom than for slavery." He quotes from the decision to show that the Constitution is to be construed, with the same meaning, with which it was voted on by the people of the United States; that the constitutional provision respecting territories must be confined to the territory which at that time belonged to the United States, and can have no influence on a territory afterwards acquired from a foreign government. He then argues, if this is so, it is equally true of the power of Congress relative to the admission of new states, formed out of such newly acquired territory, into the Union. It is true, also, of all the provisions of the Constitution, which recognize the existence of slavery and protect the ownership of slave property. Slavery is not protected by the Constitution beyond the original limits of the United States. If protected at all beyond these limits, it must be by virtue of the compact of admission.

If the Missouri compact is void, because not within the jurisdiction of

the Constitution, if no valid compact on the subject of slavery can be made outside of the Constitution, then the whole theory of the extension and protective recognition of it, since the adoption of the Constitution, falls to the ground. If the Missouri compact is void, then all other compacts, in relation to slavery, are void, and the recognition and protection which they guarantee to it, in the new states and territories, outside of the original precincts of the United States, are out of the pale of the Constitution, unlawful, and void.

HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY.

The first volume of Dr. Palfrey's History of New England was brought out, appropriately, on "Forefather's Day." In respect to fullness, exactness, thoroughness of investigation, simplicity and dignity of style, and clearness of narration, the work is eminently worthy of the theme, and worthy of the author's well known scholarship. Often as the history of New England has been written, separately and in its connection with the history of the United States, it has never before been written on so large a scale. The present volume brings down the story only to the formation of the confederacy of "the United Colonies," in 1643. Four such volumes, at least, would seem to be needed, if the story is to be told with the same fullness of details down to the epoch of American independence. Yet none who read this volume will complain, either that the materials are not properly digested, or that the particularity of the narrative makes it heavy. We cannot doubt that the people of New England, and those of New England blood, in all parts of the world, will recognize this as the classic and standard work in its department. The remaining volumes will be expected with eager appetite.

Dr. Sprague has now entered with his great work into a new field, that of the Protestant Episcopal Church. In a volume of 842 pages,† he gives us, besides his own contributions, more than two hundred and fifty sketches from able writers throughout our country, containing an account of a large number of Episcopal divines, commencing with William Blackstone, of Providence, R. I., and ending with Albert W Duy, of Elizabeth, N. J. A period of more than two hundred years is covered by these sketches.

*History of New England. By JOHN GORHAM PALFREY. Volume I. Boston: Little, Brown & Co. 8vo. pp. 636.

Annals of the American Pulpit. By WILLIAM B. SPRAGUE, D. D. Vol. V. New York: Robert Carter & Rrothers.

This volume brings out for the first time, a great multitude of curious and interesting facts respecting our early Episcopal clergy. Characters of high excellence are also depicted, like those of Bishop White, Bishop Griswold, Devereaux Jarratt, Charles H. Wharton, James Milner, J. P. K. Henshaw, Gregory T. Bedell, and others whose name and influence belong to no single denomination, but are the cherished legacy of the church at large. We hope that this volume may serve to extend the record of their piety among other denominations, and to bind together the hearts of all true Christians in the unity of the spirit and the bond of peace."

As might be anticipated, there is running throughout the sketches in this volume, a High Church and a Low Church element; but we have not observed that either is carried to an excess. Dr. Sprague, with his characteristic impartiality, holds the balance very fairly between them. We must expect, of course, to be reminded pretty often, by our Episcopal friends, of the superior excellence of their liturgy and forms of worship; and if, now and then, some of them give us plainly to understand that theirs is "the only true Apostolic Church," we can hear them with patience, and smile at the simplicity which leads to such pretensions.

PERIODICAL LITERATURE.

We wish to call special attention to "The Congregational Quarterly," a new journal, published at the Congregational building, Boston, under the sanction of "The Congregational Library Association." It is intended to take the place long left vacant by the American Quarterly Register, which was made so valuable by the labors of the late Prof. B. B. Edwards, and to have a strictly denominational aspect. Its plan will be best understood by an extract from its prospectus: "Each number will contain an elegant engraved Portrait of some distinguished Congregationalist, living or dead, with an accurate and full biographical sketch; some essay upon the distinctive principles of Congregationalism; and some original contribution to the history of the denomination; with other matter of value to its members. Special attention will be given to the department of denominational statistics, and the attempt will be made to furnish, from year to year, an exact estimate of the actual condition of evangelical Congregationalism, in this country and in Europe. Each number will contain full quarterly lists of all newly

* The Congregational Quarterly. Conducted under the sanction of the Congregational Library Association, by Revs. J. S. CLARK, D. D., H. M. DEXTER, and A. H. QUINT. Boston: Published at the Congregational Building.