WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD.

MR. CRAWFORD, late Secretary of the Treasury of the United States, was born in the State of Virginia, about the year 1763. He early emigrated to the State of Georgia, where he engaged himself in the instruction of youth in the higher branches of education. He soon after was admitted to the bar, and continued in the practice of the law with eminent success for several years. By the suavity of his manners, his strict integrity and solid talents, he soon attracted the attention and confidence of the public. He was elected a member of the State Legislature of Georgia, to which he was for several years successively chosen; in which capacity both in the House of Representatives, and in the Senate, he was justly distinguished as one of the most upright and intelligent statesmen in her public councils.

Such was the confidence, reposed in his talents and integrity, that in 1800 he was selected, by the unanimous vote of the legislature, to revise and digest the code of laws of the state. This arduous duty, in conjunction with those associated, was performed to the high satisfaction of the public, and the system, recommended by him, has, with very little variation, continued in force to the present day.

The confidence, which his commanding talents and high reputation had induced his fellow-citizens to repose in him, continued to increase; and he was, in the earlier part of President Jefferson's administration, chosen Senator in the Congress of the United States. He was, in that enlightened and venerable body, soon recognised as an able and patriotic supporter of the rights and liberties of his country. Amidst the difficulties and embarrassments under which the country was obliged to struggle, at that time, owing to the unprecedented encroachments made by the belligerent powers of Europe upon our national rights, Mr. Crawford was particularly distinguished for the decided and independent course which he pursued, In order to avoid war, as the worst of all national calamities, he was in favour of effecting, by negociation, if possible, the security of those rights which had been acquired at the expense of so much blood and treasure. He. therefore fully accorded with the administration in every attempt to produce an amicable and honourable adjustment of the difficulties subsisting between the United States and

the nations of France and England. Believing that restric tive measures, to a certain extent, would tend to accomplish this great object, he was in favour of their adoption. But with the same independence by which he had been uniformly distinguished, he opposed the resolution laying an embargo, though strongly recommended by the Executive, considering it not as protecting, but as laying the axe to the root of the commerce of our country. This act was however passed, as had already various others, prohibiting commercial intercourse between this country and Great Britain.

Notwithstanding this difference of opinion with the admin; istration, on this important, and on some other measures, which were successively recommended and adopted by congress, his talents and services were too highly appreciated to pass unrewarded. After having been chosen President of the Senate, in the absence of the Vice President of the United States, a token of respect never conferred, unless upon one distinguished alike for ability and devotion to the best interests of the people, he was appointed Minister Plenipotentiary to France, where he remained several years, engaged in the service of his country during the period of her sufferings, in consequence of the desolating wars then carried on between the principal powers of Europe. Upon his return to the United States, he was appointed, by President Madison, Secretary at war, the duties of which office he discharged with uncommon ability.

In 1816, he was appointed to the high and responsible of fice of Secretary of the Treasury; in which department, he continued not only during the last year of Mr. Madison's, but during the whole eight years of Mr. Monroe's adminis tration. The circumstance of his so long remaining in this most honourable, as well as important office, is of itself evidence of his integrity, talents and patriotism.

Towards the close of Mr. Monroe's administration, the attention of the American people was naturally attracted to the interesting subject of selecting a suitable character as successor to that virtuous and venerable statesman. Mr. Crawford had, even so far back as the year 1816, been strongly recommended, by a very considerable proportion of public men, as a proper candidate for that exalted station. But he yielded his pretensions rather than to divide the political party to which he was attached, and Mr. Monroe, of course, was elected, with but very little opposition.

In 1824 he was again nominated, by a large and respectable proportion of members of congress, as having, by his abilities and services rendered his country higher claims than any other individual to the office of chief magistrate. Unfortunately, however, for Mr. Crawford and his friends, he was not far from this time attacked with violent sickness, under which he laboured during the whole period of the electioneering campaign for the choice of President of the United States. So long and unmitigated did his disease continue, that the public became apprehensive that even if his life should be spared, his health and strength would never be sufficiently restored to enable him to discharge the arduous duties of that office. It was undoubtedly, in a great measure owing to this circumstance, that he did not receive so great a number of the votes of his fellow-citizens as was anticipated. There was, however, no choice made by the people, and Mr. Crawford was among the three highest candidates, from one of which, by the constitution, a selection was to be made by the House of Representatives. The result of the vote of the House was in favour of John Q. Adams, now President of the United States. Mr. Crawford was solicited to continue in the same office which he had so long and so honourably filled; but the condition of his health, and his desire to withdraw from public life induced him to decline; and he now lives retired, in the bosom of his family, every where respected and esteemed, as a benefactor of his country.

JOHN CALDWELL CALHOUN.

FEW men in any age or country, have made a more rapid advancement in the estimation and honours of the public, than the subject of this brief sketch. Mr. Calhoun was Born in the state of South-Carolina, in the year 1781. He there received all the advantages of early instruction, and being particularly noticed for the superiority of his intellect, he was sent to Yale College, in order to complete his education, where he graduated, and received the degree of Bachelor of Arts, in 1804. While in this justly celebrated College, he was remarked for the extraordinary industry and talents which he exhibited. After having finished his course of academical studies, he commenced the study of the law, at Litchfield, Connecticut, under the tuition of the learned and venerable Tapping Reeve, then judge of the supreme court of that state. Having passed the necessary period, he was admitted to the bar in his native state, where he stood preeminent in the discharge of his professional duties.

The high reputation for virtue and talents, which he acquired among his fellow-citizens, soon caused him to be elected a member of congress. While in that capacity, especially during the latter part of Mr. Madison's administration, he so distinguished himself for knowledge, integrity and talents, that he became the principal leader in the debates and deliberations of that enlightened body. It was during this early period of his public life, that the United States were so much involved in embarrassment and perplexity, in consequence of the despotic powers, exercised by the nations at war in Europe. Various measures were recommended and adopted by congress, to protect the growing interests of the country, but such was the unrelenting spirit of the hostile nations of France and Great Britain, that the sovereignty of the country was more and more invaded; our seamen were impressed on board of British ships of war, our navigation, even on the Atlantic coast, though a neutral nation, was harassed and interrupted, and the commerce of the United States with Europe and Asia, was almost annihilated, by the depredations perpetrated upon it, by these formidable powers. In order to relieve our suffering citizens from their distress, and to secure the personal liberties of our seamen, without sacrificing the peace of the nation; it was deemed most expedient by gov

ernment, to recommend a system of restrictive measures, in our intercourse with foreign nations, in preference to an open declaration of war, in defence of the indisputable rights and privileges, which had been obtained by the struggle of a seven years war for independence. Pursuant to this policy of government, the well known non-intercourse and non-importation acts were passed; and finally, as a last resort, it was enacted that an embargo be laid on all ships and vessels, in the ports and places, within the limits or jurisdiction of the United States, cleared or not cleared, bound to any port or foreign place; and that no clearance be furnished to any ship or vessel, bound to such foreign port or place, except vessels under the immediate direction of the President of the United States. These important acts, however, did not produce the desired effect; on the contrary, Great Britain, though contending with almost the whole world in arms against her, persisted with an unaccountable obstinacy in her encroachments upon our neutral rights. Every attempt to secure the tranquillity of the country for the future, or to obtain indemnity for outrages already committed, were alike unavailing. Triumphing in her boasted supremacy on the ocean, she seemed to set at defiance every power which complained of insult or injury.

At length the United States became aroused to a sense of their real situation. Dependence upon Great Britain, or an appeal to arms, appeared to be the only alternative. The lat ter was, of course, preferred by a nation of freemen; accordingly, in June 1812, Mr. Calhoun, then chairman of the committee of foreign relations, introduced into congress, which was passed by a large majority, a resolution, that War be, and the same is hereby declared to exist, between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and the dependencies thereof, and the United States of America, and their territories; and that the President of the United States, be authorised to use the whole of the land and naval forces of the United States, to carry the same into effect, and to issue to private armed vessels of the United States, commissions, or letters of marque and general reprisal, in such form as he shall think proper, and under the seal of the United States, against the vessels, goods and effects of the government of the said United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and the subjects thereof.

This important event, as may well be imagined, produced great sensation throughout the country, which was then ex