the water, the nation finds itself possessed of a growing respect abroad, and of a just confidence in itself, which are among the best pledges for its peaceful career. Under other aspects of our country, the strongest features of its flourishing condition are seen in a population rapidly increasing on a territory as productive as it is extensive; in a general industry and fertile ingenuity which find their ample rewards; and in an affluent revenue which admits a reduction of the public burdens without withdrawing the means of sustaining the public credit, of gradually dis charging the public debt, of providing for the necessary defensive and precautionary establishments, and of patronizing, in every authorized mode, undertakings conducive to the aggregate wealth and individual comfort of our citizens.

It remains for the guardians of the public welfare to persevere in that justice and good will toward other nations which invite a return of these sentiments toward the United States; to cherish institutions which guaranty their safety and liberties civil and religious; and to combine with a liberal system of foreign commerce an improvement of the natural advantages, and a protection and extension of the independent resources, of our highly-favored and happy country.

In all measures having such objects, my faithful co-operation will be afforded.

EIGHTH ANNUAL MESSAGE.

DECEMBER 3, 1816.

Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives :—

IN reviewing the present state of our country, our attention can not be withheld from the effect produced from peculiar seasons which have very generally impaired the annual gifts of the earth and threaten scarcity in particular districts. Such, however, is the variety of soils, of climates, and of products, within our extensive limits that the aggregate resources of subsistence are more than sufficient for the aggregate wants. And as far as an economy of consumption, more than usual, may be necessary, our thankfulness is due to Providence for what is far more than a compensation, in the remarkable health which has distinguished the present year.

Amid the advantages which have succeeded the peace of Europe, and that of the United States with Great Britain, in a general invigoration of industry among us, and in the extension of our commerce, the value of which is more and more disclosing itself to commercial nations, it is to be regretted that a depression is experienced by particular branches of our manufactures, and by a portion of our navigation. As the first proceeds in an essential degree from an excess of imported merchandise, which carries a check in its own tendency, the cause in its present extent can not be of very long duration. The evil will not, however, be viewed by Congress without a recollection that manufacturing establishments, if suffered to sink too low, or languish too long, may not revive after the causes shall have ceased; and that in the vicissitudes of human affairs situations may recur in which a dependence on foreign sources for indispensable supplies may be among the most serious embarrassments.

The depressed state of our navigation is to be ascribed, in a material

degree, to its exclusion from the colonial ports of the nation most extensively connected with us in commerce, and from the indirect operation of that exclusion.

Previous to the late convention at London, between the United States and Great Britain, the relative state of the navigation laws of the two countries, growing out of the treaty of 1794, had given to the British navigation a material advantage over the American in the intercourse between the American ports and British ports in Europe. The convention of London equalized the laws of the two countries relating to those ports, leaving the intercourse between our ports and the ports of the British colonies subject as before to the respective regulations of the parties. The British government, enforcing new regulations which prohibit a trade between its colonies and the United States in American vessels, while they permit a trade in British vessels the American navigation suffers accordingly, and the loss is augmented by the advantage which is given to the British competition over the American, in the navigation between our ports and British ports in Europe, by the circuitous voyages enjoyed by the one and not enjoyed by the other.

The reasonableness of the rule of reciprocity, applied to one branch of the commercial intercourse, has been pressed on our part as equally applicable to both branches; but it is ascertained that the British cabinet declines all negotiation on the subject, with a disavowal, however, of any disposition to view in an unfriendly light whatever countervailing regulations the United States may oppose to the regulations of which they complain. The wisdom of the legislature will decide on the course which, under these circumstances, is prescribed by a joint regard to the amicable relations between the two nations, and to the just interests of the United States.

I have the satisfaction to state, generally, that we remain in amity with foreign powers.

An occurrence has indeed taken place in the gulf of Mexico, which, if sanctioned by the Spanish government, may make an exception as to that power. According to the report of our naval commander on that station, one of our public armed vessels was attacked by an overpowering force, under a Spanish commander, and the American flag, with the officers and crew, insulted in a manner calling for prompt reparation. This has been demanded. In the meantime, a frigate and a smaller vessel-of-war have been ordered into that gulf for the protection of our commerce. It would be improper to omit that the representative of his catholic majesty in the United States lost no time in giving the strongest assurances that no hostile order could have emanated from his government, and that it will be as ready to do, as to expect, whatever the nature of the case and the friendly relations of the two countries shall be found to require.

The posture of our affairs with Algiers, at the present moment, is not known. The dey, drawing pretexts from circumstances for which the United States were not answerable, addressed a letter to this government, declaring the treaty last concluded with him to have been annulled by our violation of it, and presenting, as the alternative, war or a renewal of our former treaty, which stipulated, among other things, an annual tribute. The answer, with an explicit declaration that the United States preferred war to tribute, required his recognition and observance of the treaty last made, which abolishes tribute and the slavery of our captured citizens The result of the answer has not been received. Should he renew his

warfare on our commerce, we rely on the protection it will find in our naval force actually in the Mediterranean.

With the other Barbary states our affairs have undergone no change. The Indian tribes within our limits appear also disposed to remain at peace. From several of them purchases of lands have been made, particularly favorable to the wishes and security of our frontier settlements as well as to the general interests of the nation. In some instances the titles, though not supported by due proof, and clashing those of one tribe with the claims of another, have been extinguished by double purchases, the benevolent policy of the United States preferring the augmented expense to the hazard of doing injustice, or to the enforcement of justice against a feeble and untutored people by means involving or threatening an effusion of blood. I am happy to add that the tranquillity which has been restored among the tribes themselves, as well as between them and our own population, will favor the resumption of the work of civilization which had made an encouraging progress among some tribes, and that the facility is increasing for extending that divided and individual ownership, which exists now in moveable property only, to the soil itself; and of thus establishing, in the culture and improvement of it, the true foundation for a transit from the habits of the savage to the arts and comforts of social life. As a subject of the highest importance to the national welfare, I must again earnestly recommend to the consideration of Congress a reorganization of the militia, on a plan which will form it into classes according to the periods of life more or less adapted to military services. An efficient militia is authorized and contemplated by the constitution, and required by the spirit and safety of free government. The pres ent organization of our militia is universally regarded as less efficient than it ought to be made, and no organization can be better calculated to give to it its due force, than a classification which will assign the foremost place in the defence of the country to that portion of its citizens whose activity and animation best enable them to rally to its standard. Besides the consideration that a time of peace is the time when the change can be made with the most convenience and equity, it will now be aided by the experience of a recent war, in which the militia bore so interesting a part.

Congress will call to mind that no adequate provision has yet been made for the uniformity of weights and measures also contemplated by the constitution. The great utility of a standard fixed in its nature, and founded on the easy rule of decimal proportions, is sufficiently obvious. It led the government at an early stage to preparatory steps for introducing it, and a completion of the work will be a just title to the public gratitude.

The importance which I have attached to the establishment of a university within this district, on a scale and for objects worthy of the American nation, induces me to renew my recommendation of it to the favorable consideration of Congress. And I particularly invite again their attention to the expediency of exercising their existing powers, and where necessary, of resorting to the prescribed mode of enlarging them, in order to effectuate a comprehensive system of roads and canals, such as will have the effect of drawing more closely together every part of our country by promoting intercourse and improvements, and by increasing the share of every part in the common stock of national prosperity.

Occurrences have taken place which show that the statutory provisions for the dispensation of criminal justice are deficient in relation both to places and to persons, under the exclusive cognizance of the national

authority, an amendment of the law embracing such cases will merit the earliest attention of the legislature. It will be a seasonable occasion, also, for inquiring how far legislative interposition may be further requisite in providing penalties for offences designated in the constitution or in the statutes, and to which either no penalties are annexed or none with sufficient certainty. And I submit to the wisdom of Congress whether a more enlarged revisal of the criminal code be not expedient, for the purpose of mitigating, in certain cases, penalties which were adopted into it antecedent to experiments and examples which justify and recommend a more lenient policy.

The United States having been the first to abolish, within the extent of their authority, the transportation of the natives of Africa into slavery, by prohibiting the introduction of slaves and by punishing their citizens participating in the traffic, can not but be gratified at the progress made by concurrent efforts of other nations toward a general suppression of so great an evil. They must feel at the same time the greater solicitude to give the fullest efficacy to their own regulations. With that view, the interposition of Congress appears to be required by the violations and evasions which it is suggested are chargeable on unworthy citizens who mingle in the slave-trade under foreign flags and with foreign ports, and by collusive importations of slaves into the United States through adjoining ports and territories. I present the subject to Congress with a full assurance of their disposition to apply all the remedy which can be afforded by an amendment of the law. The regulations which were intended to guard against abuses of a kindred character in the trade between the several states ought also to be rendered more effectual for their humane object.

To these recommendations I add, for the consideration of Congress, the expediency of a remodification of the judiciary establishment, and of an additional department in the executive branch of the government.

The first is called for by the accruing business which necessarily swells the duties of the federal courts, and by the great and widening space within which justice is to be dispensed by them. The time seems to have arrived which claims for members of the supreme court a relief from itinerary fatigues, incompatible as well with the age which a portion of them will always have attained, as with the researches and preparations which are due to their stations and to the juridical reputation of their country. And considerations equally cogent require a more convenient organization of the subordinate tribunals, which may be accomplished without an objectionable increase of the number or expense of the judges.

The extent and variety of executive business also accumulating with the progress of our country and its growing population, call for an additional department, to be charged with duties now overburdening other departments, and with such as have not been annexed to any department.

The course of experience recommends, as another improvement in the executive establishment, that the provision for the station of attorneygeneral, whose residence at the seat of government, official connexions with it, and management of the public business before the judiciary, preclude an extensive participation in professional emoluments, be made more adequate to his services and his relinquishments; and that, with a view to his reasonable accommodation and to a proper depository of his official opinions and proceedings, there be included in the provision the usual appurtenances to a public office.

In directing the legislative attention to the state of the finances, it is a

subject of great gratification to find that even within the short period which has elapsed since the return of peace, the revenue has far exceeded all the current demands upon the treasury, and that under any probable diminution of its future annual products which the vicissitudes of commerce may occasion, it will afford an ample fund for the effectual and early extinguishment of the public debt. It has been estimated that, during the year 1816, the actual receipts of revenue at the treasury, including the balance at the commencement of the year, and excluding the proceeds of loans and treasury-notes, will amount to about the sum of forty-seven millions of dollars; that during the same year the actual payments at the treasury, including the payment of the arrearages of the war department as well as the payment of a considerable excess beyond the annual appropriations, will amount to about the sum of thirty-eight millions of dollars; and that consequently, at the close of the year, there will be a surplus in the treasury of about the sum of nine millions of dollars.

The operations of the treasury continue to be obstructed by difficulties arising from the condition of the national currency; but they have nevertheless been effectual to a beneficial extent in the reduction of the public debt and the establishment of the public credit. The floating debt of the treasury-notes and temporary loans will soon be entirely discharged. The aggregate of the funded debt, composed of debts incurred during the wars of 1776 and of 1812, has been estimated with reference to the 1st of January next, at a sum not exceeding one hundred and ten millions of dollars. The ordinary annual expenses of the government for the maintenance of all its institutions, civil, military, and naval, have been estimated at a sum less than twenty millions of dollars. And the permanent revenue to be derived from all the existing sources has been estimated at a sum of about twenty-five millions of dollars.

Upon this general view of the subject, it is obvious that there is only wanting to the fiscal prosperity of the government the restoration of a uniform medium of exchange. The resources and the faith of the nation displayed in the system which Congress has established, insure respect. and confidence at home and abroad. The local accumulations of the revenue have already enabled the treasury to meet the public engagements in the local currency of most of the states, and it is expected that the same cause will produce the same effect throughout the Union. But for the interests of the community at large, as well as for the purposes of the treasury, it is essential that the nation should possess a currency of equal value, credit, and use, wherever it may circulate. The constitution has intrusted Congress exclusively with the power of creating and regulating a currency of that description, and the measures which were taken during the last session, in execution of the power, give every promise of success. The bank of the United States has been organized under auspices the most favorable, and can not fail to be an important auxiliary to those measures. For a more enlarged view of the public finances, with a view of the measures pursued by the treasury department previous to the resignation of the late secretary, I transmit an extract from the last report of that officer. Congress will perceive in it ample proofs of the solid foundation on which the financial prosperity of the nation rests, and will do justice to the distinguished ability and successful exertions with which the duties of the department were executed during a period remarkable for its difficulties and its peculiar perplexities.

The period of my retiring from the public service being at a little dis