to betray or facrifice the interefts of their own country, without odium, fometimes even with popularity: gilding with the appearance of a virtuous fenfe of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation. As the avenue to foreign influence in innumerable ways, fuch attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightended and independent patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domeftic factions, to practise the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the Public Councils! Such an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful, nation, dooms the former to be the fatellite of the latter. Again the infiduous wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to be conftantly awake fince hiftory and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of a Republican Government. But that jealoufy, to be useful, must be impartial; elfe it becomes the inftrument of the very influence to be avoided, inftead of a defence against it.-Exceffive partiality for one nation, and exceffive difke of another, cause those whom they actuate to fee danger only on one fide, and ferve to veil, and even fecond the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots, who may refift the intrigues of the favourite, are liable to become fufpected and odious; while its tools and dupes ufurp the applaufe and confidence of the people, to furrender their interefts. The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as poffible. So far as we have already formed en gagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith.-Here let us ftop. Europe has a fet of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence the must be engaged in frequent controverfies, the caufes of which are effentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwife in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties in the ordinary viciffitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collifions of her friendships or enmities. Our detached and diftant fituation in vites and enables us to purfue a different courfe. If we remain one people, under an eficient government, the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take fuch an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time refolve upon, to be fcrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impoffibility of making acquifitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our intereft, guided by justice, hall counfel. Why forego the advantages of fo peculiar a fituation? Why quit our own to ftand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our deftiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and profperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, intereft, humour, or caprice? It is our true policy to fteer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world; fo far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it: for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to exifting engagements. 1 hold the maxim no lefs applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let thofe engagements be obferved in their genuine fenfe. But, in my opinion, it is unneceffary and would be unwife to extend them. Taking care always to keep ourselves, by fuitable eftablishments, on a respectable defenfive pofture, we may safely truft to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies. Harmony, liberal intercourfe with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and intereft. But even our commercial policy fhould hold an equal and impartial hand; neither feeking nor granting exclufive favours or preferences; confulting the natural courfe of things; diffufing and diverfifying by gentle means the ftreams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing, with powers fo difpofed, in order to give trade a stable courfe, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the Government to fupport them, conventional rules of intercourse, the beft that prefent circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate; conftantly keeping in view, that it is folly in one nation to look for difinterefted favours from another; that it must pay 1796.] Addrefs of Prefident Washington. pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character; that by fuch acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favours, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect, or calculate upon real favours from nation to nation. It is an illusion which experience muft cure, which a juft pride ought to discard. In offering to you, my countrymen, thefe counfels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lafting impreffion I could with that they will controul the ufual current of the paffions, or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the deftiny of nations. But if I may even flatter myfelf that they may be productive of fome partial benefit, fome occafional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party fpirit, to warn against the mifchiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impoftures of pretended patriotifm: this hope will be a full recompence for the folicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated. How far, in the difcharge of my official duties, I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public records, and other evidences of my conduct, muft witness to you and to the world. To myself, the affurance of my own confcience is, that I have at leaft believed myself to be guided by them. In relation to the ftill fubfifting war in Europe, my Proclamation of the 22d of April, 1793, is the index to my plan. Sanctioned by your approved voice, and by that of your Reprefentatives in both Houfes of Congrefs, the spirit of that meafure has continually governed me; uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it. After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was well fatisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the cafe, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and intereft to take, a neutral position. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it with moderation, perfeverance, and firmness. 823 The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without any thing more, from the obligation which juftice and humanity impofe on every nation in cafes in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations. The inducements of intereft for observing that conduct will beft be referred to your own reflections and experience. With me a predominant motive has been, to endeavour to gain time to our country to fettle and mature its yet recent inftitutions, and to progrefs without interruption to that degree of ftrength and confiftency which is neceffary to give it, humanly fpeaking, the command of its own for tunes. Though in reviewing the incidents of adminiftration, I am unconfcious of intentional error; I am nevertheless too fenfible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fer, vently befeech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I fhall alfo carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and that after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its fervice, with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be configned to oblivion, as myfelf muft foon be to the manfions of reft." Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is fo natural to a man who views in it the native foil of himself and his progenitors for feveral generations; I anticipate, with pleafing expectation, that retreat, in which I promife myfelf to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my Fellow citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government, the ever favourite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I truit, of our mutual cares, labours, and dangers. G. WASHINGTON. Thus has this great man fignified his determination to relinquish the fatigues of The confiderations which refpect the office for the bofom of retirement. The right to hold this conduct, it is not necef- foregoing admirable Addrefs to all the fary on this occafion to detail. I will only States we have given at length, convinced obferve, that according to my understand-of our incapacity of doing justice to fo exing of the matter, that right, fo far from being denied by any of the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted by all. cellent a compofition in any sketch or abridgment we might have been induced to make of it. STATE STATE OF GREAT BRITAIN. In November, 1796. WE concluded our laft fketch of the proceedings in parliament with an account of the bill propofed by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, for raifing a fup. plemental militia, a body of irregular cavalry, and other forces, to enable the nation to repel any invafion which might be meditated by the enemy. On the 21st of October, the houfe of commons having refolved itfelf into a committee of fupply, the Secretary at War rofe, and stated, that the whole force of this country, confifting of the common diftribution of guards, garrifons, colonies, and plantations, amounted to 195,574 men, the expence of which would amount to 5,190,000l. fo that it would appear that the expence of this year would not exceed that of the preceding. The home army confifted of all the troops which might be confidered as ferving for the defence of the country, and thefe amounted to 60,765 men; from which arofe an excefs above last year of 11,546 men. The army abroad amounted to 64,276, of courfe there was a diminution; these were compofed entirely of regulars; the army at home of regulars, invalids, militia, and fencibles, The militia was nearly the fame as last year, with the difference of the city regiments. The Secretary concluded with moving, that "There be employed for the land fervice of this year the number of 195,000 men." General Tarleton made feveral obfervations refpecting a faving which might be adopted in the militia, and with a view to this object, he pointed out the great number of musicians and officers' fervants, as being of little more utility than to augment the expences. At length the feveral refolutions were put feverally, and carried nem. con. The following were the fums voted, for the charge of 60,765 effective men: For guards and garrisons, For charge of general and £. s. d. 1,505,905 I o 1,411,231 19 5 litia and fencible infantry, 950,441 For charge of fencible ca- For allowance to ditto 2 10 000 3 6 300 600 397,734 4 O 95 000 O O The fame day the fupplemental militia bill was read a fecond time, and ordered to be printed. On the 28th of October, Mr. Pitt introduced his promifed motion relative to the funding of navy and exchequer bills. He faid his propofal had for its object the removal of a large mafs of floating debt from the market, which had fallen to a great difcount, and had, confequently, produced much public injury, and much private inconvenience He obferved, that the amount of the bills then in circulation would become payable at different periods, according to the different times at which they were iffued, but that the fartheft periods of payment of any of the bills could not be more than fifteen months from the prefent time. The whole queftion then to be fubmitted to the committee was, whether the navy, and other bills then outftanding, fhould be left a load upon the market, to be paid only at thofe pericds when they became due; or whether it would not be more advifcable to pay them before that period, by offering to the holders fuch terms as might be beneficial to them? He propofed to fund all the bills then in circulation, even down to the latest period. The amount of bills that had been issued was little lefs than twelve millions. He thought this fom would be too great a weight for one fpecies of frock, and therefore propofed to give an option to the holders to fund them in any of the three funds, either the three per cents. the four per cents. or the five per cents.; for this purpofe he divided the hoiders into four claffes, according to the date of the bills held by them. The first clafs comprehending the months of October, November, and De40,096 99 cember, 1795. 360,000 0 94,195 14 For recruiting regiments in The fecond clafs comprehending the months of January, February, March, and April, 1796. The third clafs comprehending the months of May, June, and July, 1796. The 1796.] Public Affairs.-Great Britain. The fourth clafs comprehending the months of Auguft, September, and October, 1796. Upon his communicating, he faid, with many gentlemen on the subject, they computed The 3 per cents. at 58. The 4 per cents. at 75. The 5 per cents. at 88. He then propofed that the holders of navy bills fhuld have their option of any of the three kinds of ftock, with the following abatement on the prefent prices: For the first clafs, Of 2 per cent. in the 3 per cents. For the f.cond clafs.. Of 1 per cent. in the 3 per cents. Of 1 per cent. in the 3 per cents. Of per cent. in the 3 per cents. The bills to bear intereft till the 12th of December, and the dividends to commence with the refpective funds, viz. The 3 per cents. confols The 5 per cents. } from Nov. laft. The 4 per cents. from Michaelmas last. In addition to this aggregate of navy bills, there were outstanding exchequer bills to the amount nearly of two millions and a half thefe were to become payable in July; he propofed, therefore, to fund them in nearly the fame loans as the navy bills, viz. per cent. in the three per cents. 2 per cent. in the 4 per cents. 32 per cent. in the 5 per cents. Mr. Pitt wished to be understood, that if, for the future, navy and exchequer bills fhould be found neceffary to be iffued for the public fervice, they thould be iffued for fo fhort a period as not to incur any confiderable lofs by difcount. < He concluded with moving, "That his majefty be enabled to fatfy all the bills payable in the navy, victualling, and tranfport fervice, to the 27th of O&. 1796." Mr. Huffey made fome excellent remarks on the plan proposed by the Chancellor of the Exchequer; he reprobated it as lavishing the public money, and augmenting the national debt in an unprecedented manner. Mr. Fox adopted the fame ftrain of reafoning, and proved that 825 by the fyftem of Mr. Pitt, the holders of navy and exchequer bills would receive at the rate of 103l. intereft per cent. per annum for their money! He faid it was impoffible for any member of that house to fee thofe tranfactions, and not call the attention of the committee to a fituation fo difaftrous, and to circumftances fo unexampled. "If I," faid Mr. Fox, " underftand the propofitions, it is, that those who have received bills at 14 or 15 per cent. difcount, fhall ftand in the fourth clafs; I confine myself for the present to the five per cents. Hence those who have received bills 14 or 15 per cent. difcount, in September, what intereft will they have made for their money? They will have had the bills in their poffeffion about fixtydays for 100l. they advanced 861. they they will, therefore, in the first instance, have gained 141. and they will receive 851. 10s. five per cent. ftock. First, they receive 141. for difcount, and then 21. 10s. for the difference of stock; nor is this all; they go on receiving 4 per cent. for a longer period; and thus when you calculate the annual profit, you must include this 4 per cent. intereft. They receive, therefore, 161. 10s. for fixty days' poffeffion of the bills. Calculate the amount of fix times fixty days, and you will find that thefe holders will have received at the rate of 103. intereft per cent. per an num. Mr. Fox then contended, that the committee ought to have a detailed account of the neceffity that existed before they voluntarily added two per cent. intereft on fo great a fum as fifteen millions to the burden of the nation. After a debate, however, of confiderable length, the refolutions were read and agreed to. On the 31st of October, the house went into a committee again on the fame bufinefs. They divided on paffing of the firft refolution, Ayes 208, Noes 48. The other refolution alfo paffed. The two houfes of parliament for several days following did little more than haften the above mentioned bill, and feveral others, which we have mentioned as brought in by the minifter through their feveral stages, all of which, at length, received the royal affent by commiffion. The uncertainty concerning the iffue of the negociations for peace, and feveral other circumstances at this period, rendered a fhort interruption of the feffion defirable to the minifter; on his requcft, therefore, an adjournment of the two houses was agreed upon, till the 28th of November. The following are the most interefting particulars which have lately fallen under our notice, relative to the important negociation for peace carrying on in Paris between lord Malmbury, on the part of Great Britain, and Charles Delacroix, on the part of the French republic. In the first inftance, his lordship delivered to M. Delacroix a memorial, dated Paris, the 24th of October, 1796. This memorial preffed the efablishment of a general principle, as a bafis for definitive arrangements. It ftated, that the first objects of negociations for peace generally related to reftitutions and ceffions of conquefts; declared Great Britain to be in a fituation not to demand reftitution from France; reminded the French government of the valuable colonies and establish ments of which fhe had obtained poffeffion; alluded to the conquefts which the French had made upon the continent of Europe, conquefts to which his Britannic majefty could not be indifferent; and expreffed his wish to reftore peace to all the belligerent powers. In the first conference, after the delivery of this memorial, it was demanded of the English negociator, whether he was furnished with powers and inftructions from the other belligerent powers to ftipulate in their name? He answered no; but, he added, that when the Directory fhould have explained themselves relative to the principle laid down in his memorial, he would difpatch couriers to inftruct the different courts in the state of the ncgociation, and to receive their orders. It was then afked the ambaffador, whether he could not, at least, specify the principle of retroceffions which concerned the French republic and Great Britain? He anfwered, that after the Directory thould have explained itfelf, he would likewife expedite couriers to request inftructions on this point. After this conference was finished, Delacroix prefented lord Malmbury's memorial to the Directory, with the recital of their converfation on the fubject. In this stage of the negociation, the Executive Directory ordered the minifter for foreign affairs to give an anfwer to lord Malmfury, purporting, that they were difpofed to commence a negociation; but that they confidered lord Malmbury's propofitions as offering nothing but dilatory or very diftant means of bringing it to a conclufion; they objected to the formation of a congrefs, whofe proceedings are always tardy; they noticed the circumftance of his lordship's declaration not agreeing with his credentials; they expreffed their belief, that the British government meant by the prefent propofitions only a renewal, under more amicable forms, of Mr. Wickham's proposals last year; they difagreed with the memorial refpecting the fubject of the bafis of negociation, which ought not to relate to the principle of ceffion, but to the common neceffity of a juft and folid peace. Nevertheless, they declared, that they would not reject any means of reconciliation, and that as foon as lord Malmbury fhould produce to the minifter for foreign affairs fufficient powers from the allies of Great Britain to ftipulate for their refpective interests, they would give a fpeedy anfwer to the propofitions which might be fubmitted to them. As foon as lord Malmsbury received this anfwer, he wrote to his court by an extraordinary courier, to obtain the powers required of him. Having received fome farther inftructions from his court, lord Malmbury, on the 12th of November, prefented another note of confiderable length to the French minifter, Delacroix, importing, that with regard to the injurious and offenfive infinuations contained in the laft answer of the directory, the king had thought it far beneath his dignity to allow any reply whatever to be returned on his part.That the Executive Directory appeared, without the leaft foundation, to fuppofe that he was authorised to accede to a feparate peace-That the beft pledge which the Directory could give of their defire of putting a period to the war, would be without delay to fettle a basis to accelerate a general peace. The French minifter, Delacroix, in the name of the Directory, returned an anfwer the fame day, the brevity of which may easily be conftrued into abruptnefs. This anfwer defired lord Malmsbury to point out diftinctly, and as foon as poffible, the objects of reciprocal compenfation which he had to propofe, and reminded him, that the breaking of the armistice by the emperor and king was no fign of a difpofition in him to conclude a peace upou equitable terms. Some correfpondence enfued fubfequent to this, which, perhaps, was beneath the dignity and importance of the negocia tion. Lord Malmbury, upon receiving a written |