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at the same time to bear with the evils of his particular lot; and must not, when any little grievances afflict him, feel dissatisfied with his rank, nor indulge in heart-burnings and envyings towards other ranks and conditions in life, which it may be impossible, or at least extremely difficult, for him to attain.

A happy man, then, according to my idea of the term, is not one that is always pleased and satisfied with every occurrence in his life; this, in the present state of human nature, is altogether impossible; but he is one who, in general, is content with his condition, and has no wish to change it for any other that may be within the range of his procuring. Happiness, I conceive, is not to be acquired by precept, and man cannot be flattered into this state of mind by poetical cajolement; but I do not, therefore, conclude, that man is abandoned to hopeless misery, for the veriest wretch that ever melancholy marked for her own, can recount many hours spent with delight and enjoyment, though unmingled happiness cannot be found here; for, when we have obtained a momentary glimpse of her green abodes, and fondly picture to ourselves a thousand future delights, some unlucky demon is ever ready to dissolve the enchantment; it vanishes from our gaze like a summer cloud, or a rainbow in a storm, and leaves us to contemplate the checrless vale of misery in all its deformity and dreari

ness.

The means adopted by Providence to render man in some measure content with his condition, seem to be a due alternation of labour and rest, of bodily and mental exertion. Unhappiness and discontentment must be the never failing accompaniments of an undue proportion of either. This maxim, I think, can scarcely be denied to agree with experience. I wish you to bear this in mind; for, if my arguments are to be tried by fanciful systems of philosophy, and not by the plain and sober dictates of experience, and common sense, I must give up the discussion. I hope, Sir, you are too wise to follow the wild dreams of self-deception which Addison sometimes indulged on this subject, when he consoles himself, with all possible gravity, for the want of splendid possessions, by fancying, that every

beautiful tract of country through which he passes, and every fine mansion which he sees, are his own, of which, except by absence, he cannot be deprived. I hope you conceive it to be your duty, in forming concep tions on a subject of this sort, to dash the dew from all such cobwebs of fancy. Happiness, then, I say, cannot be enjoyed by those who have too much leisure, or too much fatigue. It cannot be enjoyed by the prisoner, who has nothing to do but reflect on the gloominess of his dungeon, nor by the rich man, who is satiated with folly and amusement,-who lolls on his sofa,-yawns at an assembly,-or saunters in listless and pitiable vacancy of thought, in the walks of a fashionable watering-place. It cannot be enjoyed by the wretch who is chained to the galley oar,-who is buried in a Siberian mine, or who is fainting with fatigue in a West Indian cane-field, or in the prairies of Kentucky, under the terrors of the slavewhip.

The meaning of the word knowledge embraces the whole range of human inquiry: but in the present case, I must request your permission to restrict it to a particular species of information. I must restrict the generic term to a particular and limited sense. I wish to confine it not to a knowledge of religious truth, as deduced from the scriptures,-not to the knowledge which all our Scottish peasants possess, of reading and writing, and arithmetic; my observations refer almost exclusively to the knowledge of history, geography, politics, and of works of fancy, which the working classes of the community may acquire.

These remarks being premised, my first position is, that knowledge of this sort is highly beneficial to the state. All, indeed, that is praiseworthy, as virtuous and honourable, and dignified in the government of a state, must arise from the superior knowledge of the people who compose it. Think for a moment on the condition of the people in the several governments which exist, or which have existed in the world;-examine their laws and their constitutions, and compare them with the state of the people;-weigh with candid impartiality their different bearings and influence on social life,

-on the inhabitants of the city and on the domestic and secluded circle of the peasant's fire-side. When you have finished your survey,-when you have divested yourself of every prejudice, you must be forced to pronounce, that it is the knowledge of the people alone which renders a nation great and noble,-which is the watchful guardian of justice,—which never fails to disarm the most rooted tyranny, which never fails to diffuse freedom and exalted sentiment through every rank. Knowledge is in this respect the golden chain which links together the hearts of a whole nation in one grand mass of spirited patriotism, and renders them firm against the oppression of their rulers and the invasion of their enemies.

As I am decidedly of opinion, that knowledge is in a considerable degree hostile to the happiness of the lower ranks, you might be ready to imagine that I should stand forth as the advocate of ignorance; that I should revive, in all its original forbiddingness and deformity, the Popish maxim, that ignorance is the mother of devotion; that I should revive the wild and fanciful paradox of Rousseau, that the savage state is better and more natural for man than the civilized state. No, Sir; I shall rest my arguments on none of these. You could not think for a moment I should be so very regardless of experience and common sense, as to foolishly shut my eyes to the grand spectacle which is at this moment exhibiting in almost every nation of the world; that I could forget the glorious triumph of the Reformation from Popery; that I should forget the patriotic struggle of our American colonies against the tyranny of British legislation; that I should forget the independent spirit which is rising and spreading with slow but vigorous increase over the extensive and beautiful paradise of South America; that I should forget the manly throbs of patriotism which have begun to beat, like the heart of a captive about to leap his prison wall, in the bosoms of the oppressed Spaniards; and the whispered and increasing murmurings against legitimate oppression which sadden the gaiety and liveliness of the light-hearted inhabitants of France; that I should forget our own blessed country, and her boasted constitution and laws, which, but for the know

ledge diffused among the people, would be no better than the most odious code that ever lurked in the cabinet of tyranny. I fear not contradiction in repeating the assertion in the most marked terms, in saying, that it is not a particular code of laws which makes a state great or free; it is the character of the people, their virtue,-their knowledge, and the concomitants of these, their dignity and their patriotism. Give to Turkey or Russia the British constitution and the British laws, and, the people shall not be the less oppressed,shall not feel one blessing the more. They would, indeed, curse the benediction of freedom as a wicked innovation,-a Pandora's box of evils, and sigh for the good old laws of despotism and injustice. On the other hand, give to Britain a Persian Sophi or an Emperor of Morocco for a ruler, with all his countless train of royal executioners and butchers, with free will to rob and plunder, torture and kill, whoever it might please his sublime omnipotence to ordain and command, he would, before many hours, find, to his cost, that knowledge is still more sublimely omnipotent than himself, and that we, who have no hereditary relish for legitimate tyrants, would arrest his career of bloodat the very threshold of the palace. No, Sir, I cannot blot from my memory, if I would, the maxim that meets the eye in every page of political history, the maxim that is confirmed by glancing on any or every corner of the world's map,-the maxim first embodied in language by Bacon, that knowledge is power,-that political knowledge is the power of shackling tyranny, of curbing oppression, and of unnerving the arm of injustice. Let our rulers issue an order such as Herod issued, for massacring all the infants of a certain age in London, or even in a country hamlet, and you would immediately see the effect which British knowledge would produce. Let an English prince take the notion of bowstringing his father, or of putting out the eyes of his younger brothers,-circumstances not of rare occurrence in the Royal families of Eastern courts,-and you would instantly see that the British people would not passively submit to the outrage, as the Persians or Tartars would do most stoically without murmur, and without a remark.

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But knowledge would not be an earthly endowment, were it to possess no disadvantages along with all those blessed bestowings and accompaniments. My second position, therefore, is, that knowledge, according to the above limitation of the term, does not contribute to the happiness of the working classes of the community, a position which I hope I shall be able to make out to your satisfaction. I found my argument wholly upon my own observation; and I should be extremely glad to have any mistaken views I shall take of the subject corrected, as I think it of some importance that your readers should entertain right notions on the point, and many of them have had much better opportunities of observation than I can pretend to.

So far, then, as my observation goes, I hold myself warranted to say, that, when a man, who earns his subsistence by manual labour, begins to read books of general history, of geography, of poetry, of fancy and romance, but most of all, when he reads newspapers and political pamphlets, he begins to acquire notions considerably different from those which he shall have previously held; he begins to grow dissatisfied with his condition in life and his rank in society, and, in proportion as his avidity and keenness for such kind of knowledge increases, he becomes more dissatisfied. This dissatisfaction may lead to two consequences, depending, in some measure, on his age and disposition. It will either render him careless of his accus. tomed toil, or it will rouse him to tenfold industry, that he may improve his condition, that he may reach some sun-gilt eminence which hope has painted to his fancy.

The former of these cases my scanty observation teaches me-is by far the most common. I speak under correction of those of your readers who are more extensively acquainted among literary mechanics; but I conclude, from what I have seen, that knowledge renders twenty persons idle and careless, perhaps dissipated, for one which it stimulates to increased industry. Nothing, however, to my thinking, can present a more interesting spectacle of the powers of man than the latter of the cases. Here is a man who earns his scanty pittance by the toil of many hours, perhaps in the

crowded and corrupted lanes of a city, in the damp and airless workshop, where the atmosphere of heaven is loaded with contagion, and empoisons every breath which he inhales; perhaps on the bleak moor, exposed in shelterless solitude to every storm that beats, and every frost that benumbs him, he builds the rude sheep-fence, or turns up the wet and unfertile soil; perhaps deformed with every thing that is filthy, and gasping for thirst, he drags out an existence--to all appearance infernal-at the mouth of a metal furnace, or in the bowels of a coal mine. To see such a man becoming, day after day, more eager to acquire knowledge, eager to rise in the ranks of the superior society which he sees around him,-eager to strain every sinew of industry to accomplish his aim, and to spend the hours of sleep in ruminating on his plans, and in stirring up his resolves in their execution: To see all this, I think, is one of the most interesting spectacles which human nature can display. How often have I thought with admiration on the story of Hillel, the Babylonish Jew, one of the authors of the Talmud, who, at the age of 40, went to Jerusalem, with his family, to study law, but being unable, on account of his poverty, to gain regular admission to the lectures of the Rabbis, he spent a considerable portion of his small earnings to bribe the doorkeepers to allow him a place at the door of the public hall, and when his means were too scanty, even for this, placed himself near one of the windows, at the top of the buildings, and by such means rendered himself so eminent, that he was accounted only inferior to Solomon himself in wisdom. (BRUCKER, Hist. Phil. II.) No less surprising is the history of Cleanthes, the stoic philosopher, who, from poverty, was obliged, in order to have leisure to attend the schools, to draw water in the public gardens at Athens, and to grind at the mills during the night; and, for want of paper, which he was too poor to buy, he wrote on shells and bones that he picked up from the dunghills. (DIOG. LAERTES, VII. 4. and VAL. MAX. VIII. 7.) The annals of our own country, and those of our neighbours on the Continent, exhibit many similar instances of extraordinary perseverance. But will any body main

tain that these men were happy in making such persevering exertions? Was it not the very circumstance of dissatisfaction which goaded them on? To me it seems plain, that every fresh effort must have been prompted by the sting of uneasiness and dissatisfaction. After this desire of rising seizes a peasant or a mechanic, his whole life is spent in the fevered anxiety of discontent and unhappiness. A sort of diseased restlessness, of which he becomes the passive victim, infects his mind, and tinges his pursuits, and even when his friends are looking up to his labour as superhuman, while they are admiring or envying his advancement in knowledge, his nights are often spent in sleepless musings, and his days consumed in the labour, at which his whole soul revolts, but which he finds indispensable to his schemes of advancement. He feels his condition as miserable as that of the slave chained to the galley-oar; because he knows from his books situations of a different kind; because, in reading, he has become familiar with nobles and princes, and feels reluctant to rank with those who do not enjoy such familiarity and this acquaintance he contracts in the quiet of his domestic circle, where there is no haughtiness nor overbearing pride to overawe and abash him.

But the more numerous class of our literary mechanics are appalled at the difficulties which oppose their advancement to place and distinction. They become listless and thoughtful. They feel reluctant to perform their accustomed labour, and they want stimulus to drive them forward to any thing different. Their next step is to become discontented with the government under which they live. They become keen politicians, and read with avidity every pamphlet and paper which will feed their heartburnings, and inflame their discontent. In our own country, this is flagrantly notorious, from the increasing sale of anti-ministerial papers; and every sort of foul garbage is greedily swallowed, from the illiterate scurrility of Wooller's Black Dwarf, to the more refined papers of the Examiner. To persons of this character, a paper which would dare to assert the excellence of the existing administration, would be spurned as the base vehicle of

corruption, while they implicitly believe the most barefaced lies and deceptions of the anti-ministerialists. I appeal to you, Sir, and to all your readers individually, for the truth of the remark. People of this description glut their discontented appetites with all the corrupted offals of the Parliamentary demagogues, and the newspapers, whose sale is promoted entirely by their keeping up a perpetual grumble even at what is most deserving of praise and rejoicing, and by begetting and cherishing discontent in the bosoms of those whose knowledge has made manual labour irksome.

It is not rarely the case that this fostered spirit of discontent leads its unhappy victims to dissipation, and they forget for a while their imaginary grievances in the noisy brawls of the tavern and the tap-room, or rather the disease is, by the drunken declamations of boon companions, more and more aggravated. Every body is acquainted with the life of our unrivalled Scottish poet. Every body knows that his superior attainments rendered the plough to him an intolerable burden;-that he neglected every laudable pursuit for the society of bottle cronies;-and at last, by thus ruining his health, perhaps, brought on premature dissolution. I am sorry, Sir, extremely sorry, to bring under your notice the failings of a man who was so superiorly gifted with uncommon talents. But the case is so markedly in point, that it would have been doing injustice to the argument to have withheld it. Now, although this is a known and a prominent case, it grieves me to think that it is by no means rare. Almost every village in Scotland can boast its Burns,-almost every village can boast of some native who shall have become knowing by means of books, and dejected and dissipated because he was compelled to bear the ignoble lot of earning his bread with the sweat of his brow.

There is still another bad consequence which results from the discontent caused by the diffusion of knowledge, namely, the unhinging of religious principles. Men, when they become fond of reading, are very inquisitive on all subjects, and as religion forms a great part of the knowledge of the lower orders, such men soon turn their inquiries into that

channel. It unfortunately happens, also, that infidel books are not difficult to be procured. Now, such authors as Voltaire, and Volney, and Paine, are extremely dangerous to the happiness of all half-educated persons, writing, as they do, in a plain simple style, when they sneer and play off their wit; and, in a gaudy and turgid manner, when they wish to conceal their poisonous dogmas and mysteries. Their sarcasms they take care to point with determined keenness, and Satanic malignity, while they wrap up their own opinions in mysterious darkness, or surround them with a meretricious and dazzling glitter. The previous education of a labourer, or a mechanic, in a great measure unfits him for detecting the falsity of their conclusions, and the sophistry of their reasonings. Besides, books of infidelity usually consist more of sneers and dark insinuations, than of fair and open argument, and the most expert reasoner cannot refute a sneer. Such books, I say, produce great unhappiness in their readers; for they unsettle all their hopes of future bliss, and thus unfix all the safeguards of virtuous principle. A friend of mine, whose mind had been in this manner poisoned with infidelity and scepticism, declared to me with tears, that he would give worlds to be able to resume his belief in Christianity; but the pointed misrepresentations of Paine, and the false and flimsy brilliancy of Volney, had taken too deep a hold of his thoughts to be dislodged; he disbelieved, and was unhappy. I fear this case is but too common among our reading mechanics; for, while the Deist banishes Christianity from his belief, he substitutes nothing in its place; the mind is left vacant and dissatisfied,it seeks in vain for a resting-place of hope, as the system of Deism, (if want of all principle can be called a system,) is baseless and rotten. I hope and trust that such a spirit may die where it was begotten, and not find its way among the uncontaminated, for it is to be feared that it is travelling and spreading fast among the increasing population of America. "What in some places," says the infidel Birkbeck, "is esteemed a decent conformity with practices which we despise," he means the worship of God,

is here (in the Illinois territory)

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altogether unnecessary." That is, the worship of God, in the United States, is quite unnecessary and even despised.

Before concluding, I must again beg that my views may not be mistaken; that the former part of my essay may be weighed with the latter. I wish it to be understood that I am clearly and unequivocally in favour of the diffusion of knowledge,-that I would resist the attempt to check it with every energy of my soul; but I am equally clear, that it is productive of much unhappiness among the lower orders. Opinions, however, do prevail against diffusing knowledge. I was lately astonished-indignantly astonished,to hear a clergyman of our established church, whose narne shall be transmitted to you if you require it, seriously and coolly declare, in a public church court, that village book-clubs and reading societies were become a nuisance which could not be tolerated. "Now," said he, "times are much changed from what they were of old; now every paltry fellow ↑ pretends to be a philosopher, and thinks he knows theology as well as his minister." I heard him, Sir, with indignation, and I was still more indignant that he was not checked with merited severity. Why, Sir, those PALTRY FELLOWS are the boast of their country, and it is to their knowledge that we owe the expulsion of popery, and the plain good sense and useful learning which so markedly characterize the ministers of our church. If it were not for fear of these paltry fellows exposing them, I have no doubt, that our clergy would, like their brethren of the dark ages, soon wrap themselves closely in the mantle of ignorance and mysticism, and fatten in the torpid slumbers of stupidity and dulness. If it were not for these paltry fellows, who know their rights, and will maintain them, our blessed rulers would soon have us groaning in the chairs of tyranny, a prey to every miscreant who knew how to flatter and cajole the reigning. prince-our boasted constitution would become a code of despotism, and our present system of taxation, heavy and grievous as it undoubtedly

Letters from the Illinois, by Morris Birkbeck, p. 28.

+ Sie verbatim et literatim dixit ille.

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