enquiry or information, to commit ourselves in declarations which may precipitate our country into all the calamities of a

The Lords waited upon the King with their address, to which his Majesty gave the following answer:

My Lords,

I thank you for your affectionate assurances of duty and loyalty. The zeal you express for the support of the supreme authority of the legislature, which I shall constantly maintain, is very agreeable to me; and your resolution to proceed with temper and unanimity in your deliberations, gives me the greatest satisfaction, as it corresponds with the hearty concern I shall ever have for the true interests of all my people.

Adjourned to December 6.

December 6.

The Peers having thought proper to clear their House on the 10th of December 1770, [See the Commons Debates of that year, page 79 to 84, 87, and 93 to 96] and not to admit even members of the House of Commons since that time, except to deliver bills, and upon those occasions ordered them to withdraw immediately. The Commons in return [See the Commons Debates above referred to] excluded the Peers from their House; and several inconveniences having happened from this harsh treatment,

Lord Lyttleton moved to rescind the order excluding the members of the House of Commons, with a view to restore a friendly communication between the two Houses. There was some debate; the House divided, for the motion 28, against it 36.

December 15.

Lord Lyttleton moved, that the order excluding members of the House of Commons might be dispensed with.

The Duke of Manchester seconded the motion. His Grace said, he particularly pressed it at this time, as a point to be desired even by ministers, that the public might be informed of the grounds on which they proceed in regard to the measures to be pursued respecting America, whose interests are so interwoven with those of Great-Britain, that the attention of the people of this country cannot be too much awakened at

this truly important crisis. His Grace added, that he wished not only to admit the members of the House of Commons, but the Scotch and Irish Peers, and such other persons as shall be introduced by a Peer; each Peer to bring in one per

son.

The Lord Chancellor acquainted the Lords, that he always looked upon himself as a servant of the House, whose duty it was to see their orders enforced; but that as it seemed to be the desire of many to relax their standing order in this point, he thought the civility due from one Lord to another should induce the House to come into the proposal; which was accordingly agreed to without further debate.

December 16.

Nothing material. Adjourned to December 19. No debates.

December 22.

Adjourned to January 20, 1775.

January 20, 1775.

This day the Earl of Dartmouth presented to the House copies of a great number of letters and papers from his Majesty's governors in America. [Copies of the same letters and papers were presented to the House of Commons, and the reader will find them in page 31, &c. of the Proceedings and Debates of that House; with all the subsequent letters and papers, as they were presented from time to time, during the session.]

The Earl of Chatham. His Lordship began with censuring an eight weeks delay of communicating these papers, [alluding that the papers might have been laid before the House at the beginning of the session] and the continuance of ministers deluding this country, with misrepresentations of the colonies. He shewed, that the sudden dissolution of parliament was upon that principle, of deceiving the people of England; every borough in the kingdom labouring under the old delusion.

There were, he said, two things which ministry laboured to deceive the people in, and had persuaded them to; first, that it was an affair of Boston only, and that the very appearance one single regiment there would quiet every thing.

of

He had foretold the falsehood of both; he was conversant with that country more, more years than perhaps any man; he knew the cause of Boston would be made the cause of Ame rica; he knew the mode of the military would not be effec tual.

The manner of proceeding against Boston, was a proscrip. tion of a people, unheard;-unheard in any court, either in the common courts of justice, or the higher, of parliament, in both of which, evidence of facts are stated in proof of criminality; but the Americans were denied to be heard: the people of America condemned, and not heard, have a right to

resist.

By whose advice vindictive councils were pursued by whose advice false representations were made; by whose advice malice and ill-will were made principles of governing a free people all these are 'questions that will be asked; he means no personal charge on any man farther than his misdoings call for.

There ought to be some instant proceeding towards a settlement before the meeting of the delegates; his object was to put his foot on the threshold of peace, to shew an intention of reconciling; he will, unless he is fixed to a sick-bed, he will attend this business throughout, till he sees America obtain what he thinks satisfaction for her injuries; still attentive that it shall own the supremacy of this country.

It would be his advice to his Majesty to end this quarrel, the soonest possible; his repose was their duty; who by misadvice had planted the thorn in his side, by a contest with a people determined on their purpose.

Wishes to offer himself, mean as he is-but he has a plan; a plan of a settlement; solid, honourable, and lasting.

America means only to have safety in property; and personal liberty. Those, and those only were her object; independency was falsely charged on her.

He disclaims all metaphysical distinctions.

i.

The declaratory act leaves you a right to take their money when you please.

He means to meddle with no man's opinion; and leaving all. men to follow the plan of their own opinions of former professions, his plan is to establish for the American an unequivocal, express right of not having his property taken from him but by his own assembly.

Eight weeks delay admits no further hesitation, no not of a moment; the thing may be over; a drop of blood renders it immedicabile vulnus.

Whether it can ever now be a true reconciliation, must be owing to the full compensation that America shall receive." Repeal the mutual ill-will that subsists, for it is not the repeal: of a little act of parliament that will work peace. Will the repeal of a bit of parchment avail? Will, think you, three

millions

millions of people in arms be satisfied by such a repeal? It must be a repeal on a principle of justice. There must be no procrastination; you are to a moment-now-instantaneously: -Every hour, that a beginning is not made towards softening, towards healing! the very news of which might work wonders endangers the fixed liberty of America, and the honour of the mother country.

The success and permanent effect of the best measures may arise from mutual good-will.

His motion is part of a plan; and he begins with a proof of good-will. His motion is " to address the King to remove "the forces from the town of Boston."

His lordship was lavish in his praise of the congress,' as more wise and more prudent than the meeting of ancient Greece. He mentioned Thucydides, with " your lordships" "have read Thucydides;" he mentions nothing of ancient story more honourable, more respectable, than this despised meeting.

The congress is treated harshly. He wishes we would imitate their temper;-firm indeed, if you please but that congress was conducted with temper and moderation. I wish our House of Commons as freely and uncorruptly chosen.

The proceedings from hence arose from ignorance of the circumstances of that country. The idea of coercion by troops, where they were not the natural resource, was wanton and idle.

Anger was your motive in all you did-" What! shall "America presume to be free?-don't hear them, chastise "them." This was your language, castigat auditque-the severest judge, though he chastises, also hears the party. i

All the mischief has arisen from your anger; from your not adapting your means to your ends; troops and violence were ill means to answer the ends of peace.

I understand government is not altogether satisfied with the commander of your troops; he has not been quick enough to shed blood; his moderation is ridiculed; but I know that gentleman, an officer of long service, has acted prudently; it was want of wisdom to place an army there-I have heard of armies of observation, but this is an army of irritation.

In the civil war of Paris, where those great men, the Prince of Condé and Marshal Turenne, commanded the two parties-Marshal Turenne was said often to have been near the Prince: The Queen was angry; she did not see why, when he was so near the Prince, he should not take him; she was

offended, and with some anger asked?“ Quand vous étiez si "près, pourquoi n'avez-vous pas pris le Prince?" That great officer who knew his business, answered coolly, "Favois peur, Madame, qu'il ne m'eut prit.”

The ministry tell you, that the Americans will not abide by the congress; they are tired of the association;-true, many of the merchants may be-but it does not now depend on the merchants; nor do the accounts come even from the principal merchants; but from the runners for ministry. But were the dissatisfaction among the merchants ever so large, the account is no way conformable to the nature of America.

The nation of America, who have the virtues of the people they sprung from, will not be slaves. Their language is, If trade and slavery are companions, we quit the trade; let trade and slavery go where they will, they are not for us.

Your anger represents them as refractory and ungrateful, in not submitting to the parent they sprung from; but they are in truth grown an accession of strength to this country; they know their importance; they wish to continue their utility to you; but though they may be sick of the association, those sons of the earth will never be dissuaded from their association.

After the repeal of the stamp act, two years after, I was in the country an hundred miles off; a gentleman who knew the country, told me, that if regiments had landed at that time, and ships had been sent to destroy the towns, they had come to a resolution to retire back into the country.-It is a facta noble Lord smiles; if I were to mention the gentleman's name, it would not increase his smile.

I wish the young gentlemen of our time would imitate those Americans that are misrepresented to them; I wish they would imitate their frugality; I wish they would imitate that liberty which the Americans love better than life; imitate that courage which a love of liberty produces.

One word more. I will send my plan, if the state of a miserable constitution stretches me on a sick-bed. It is to put an end to the quarrel. "What before you know whether "they will come to terms?" Yes, let my expectations be what -they will, I should recall the troops; it partakes of a nullity to accept submission under the influence of arms.

I foretel," these bills must be repealed;"-I submit to be called an ideot if they are not;-three millions of men ready -to arm, and talk of forcing them!

There may be dangerous men and dangerous councils, who would instil bad doctrines; advise the enslaving of America;

they