which they shall or may at any time hereafter be liable to, for or by reason of their non-conformity, or the exercise of their religion, and from all suits, troubles, or disturbances for the same; we do hereby give our free and ample pardon unto all non-conformists, recusants, and 5 other our loving subjects, for all crimes and things by them committed or done contrary to the penal laws, formerly made relating to religion, and the profession or exercise thereof; hereby declaring that this our royal pardon and indemnity shall be as good and effectual to 10 all intents and purposes, as if individual person every had been therein particularly named, or had particular pardons under our great seal, which we do likewise declare shall from time to time be granted unto any person or persons desiring the same: willing and requiring our 15 judges, justices, and other officers to take notice of and obey our royal will and pleasure herein before declared. And although the freedom and assurance, we have hereby given in relation to religion and property, might be sufficient to remove from the minds of our loving 20 subjects all fears and jealousies in relation to either; yet we have thought fit further to declare, that we will maintain them in all their properties and possessions, as well of church and abbey lands, as in any other their lands and properties whatsoever. Given at our court at 25 Whitehall the fourth day of April, MDCLXXXVII. in the third year of our reign. OUR UR conduct has been such in all times, as ought to have persuaded the world, that we are firm and constant to our resolutions: yet that easy people may not be abused by the malice of crafty wicked men, we think 5 fit to declare, that our intentions are not changed since the 4th of April MDCLXXXVII. when we issued out our declaration for liberty of conscience in the following terms. [Here the declaration was recited verbatim, and then follows] Ever since we granted this indulgence, we 10 have made it our principal care to see it preserved without distinction, as we are encouraged to do daily by multitudes of addresses, and many other assurances we receive from our subjects of all persuasions, as testimonies of their satisfaction and duty; the effects of which we 15 The king's declaration] King James had not allowed his parliament to meet for the dispatch of business since the 20th of November 1685, and had dissolved it on the 2d of July 1687. His next object therefore was to make such appointments in all offices both civil and military throughout the kingdom, as might influence future elections, and dis20 pose public opinion in favour of his measures. His designs for the restoration of popery were announced without disguise or reservation, and he republished his "Declaration for liberty of conscience," still using it as his great weapon for the destruction of the established church, but now adding the further violence of making the church 25 itself instrumental in the publication of it. The declaration bears date the 7th of April 1688, and on the 4th of May ensuing his majesty in council ordered that it should be "read at the usual time of divine service upon the 20th and 27th of this month in all churches and chapels within the cities of London and Westminster, and ten miles thereabouts; doubt not but the next parliament will plainly shew; and that it will not be in vain, that we have resolved to use our utmost endeavours to establish liberty of conscience on such just and equal foundation, as will render it unalterable, and secure to all people the free exercise 5 of their religion for ever; by which future ages may reap the benefit of what is so undoubtedly for the general good of the whole kingdom. It is such a security we desire, without the burden and constraint of oaths and tests, which have been unhappily made by some govern- 10 ments, but could never support any; nor should men be advanced by such means to offices and employments, which ought to be the reward of services, fidelity, and merit. We must conclude, that not only good Christians will join in this, but whoever is concerned for the increase 15 of the wealth and power of the nation. It would perhaps prejudice some of our neighbours, who might lose part of those vast advantages they now enjoy, if liberty of conscience were settled in these kingdoms, which are above all others, most capable of improvements, and of com- 20 manding the trade of the world. In pursuance of this great work, we have been forced to make many changes both of civil and military officers throughout our dominions, not thinking any ought to be employed in our and upon the 3d and 10th of June next in all other churches and 25 chapels throughout the kingdom;" and it was further ordered "that the right reverend the bishops cause the said declaration to be sent and distributed throughout their several and respective dioceses to be read accordingly." (Kennet, vol. iii. p. 509. Burnet, O. T. vol. iii. p. 222. Lingard, vol. viii. p. 439. Clarke's James II. vol. ii. p. 115.) In the 30 summer of the same year the king issued instructions to the judges of assize, requiring them to call upon all persons to support his Declaration, and urging that the free exercise of religion has been the chief visible cause of the great riches that some of our nearest neighbours enjoy, and would be the certain means to make these kingdoms popu- 35 lous, and the chiefest place of trade in the Christian world." Tanner, MSS. vol. xxviii. p. 100. service, who will not contribute towards establishing the peace and greatness of their country, which we most earnestly desire, as unbiassed men may see by the whole conduct of our government, and by the condition of our 5 fleet, and of our armies, which with good management shall be constantly the same, and greater, if the safety or honour of the nation require it. We recommend these considerations to all our subjects, and that they will reflect on their present ease and happiness, how for above three 10 years that it hath pleased God to permit us to reign over these kingdoms, we have not appeared to be that prince, our enemies would have made the world afraid of; our chief aim having been not to be the oppressor, but the father of our people; of which we can give no better 15 evidence, than by conjuring them to lay aside all private animosities, as well as groundless jealousies, and to choose such members of parliament, as may do their parts to finish what we have begun for the advantage of the monarchy, over which Almighty God has placed us; being resolved to call a parliament, that shall meet in November next at furthest. Given at our court at Whitehall the 27th day of April MDCLXXXVIII. in the fourth year of our reign. 20 CLXIV. GUIL. SANCROFT II. Anno Christi Reg. Angliæ Archiepisc. Cant. The petition of William Sancroft, archbishop of Canterbury, William Lloyd, bishop of St. Asaph, Thomas Kenn, bishop of Bath and Wells, Francis Turner, bishop of Ely, John Lake, bishop of Chichester, Thomas White, bishop of Peterborough, and Jonathan Trelawny, bishop of Bristol, against publishing the king's declaration for liberty of conscience, presented to the king May 18, MDCLXXXVIII. To the king's most excellent majesty. The humble petition of William, archbishop of Canterbury, and of divers of the suffragan bishops of that province, now present with him, in behalf of themselves, and others of their absent brethren, and of the clergy of their respective dioceses, 5 Humbly sheweth, THAT the great averseness they find in themselves to the distributing and publishing in all their churches your majesty's late declaration for liberty of conscience, proceeds neither from any want of duty and obedience to 10 your majesty (our holy mother the church of England The petition of William Sancroft] This petition, which was followed by the trial and acquittal of the seven bishops named in it, and may be considered as the one act, above all others, decisive of the fortunes of king James II., is memorable not only as giving its support at a critical 15 moment to a great constitutional principle, but also as alleging reasons, which would seem to be inconclusive and inadequate to the occasion. It states that "such a dispensing power as the king had been exercising had been often declared illegal in parliament, and particularly in the years 1662 and 1672 and in the beginning of his majesty's reign," 20 |