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The prisoners seeing no prospect of meliorating their condition, turned their attention to the making of a breach in the wall of the prison. Every convenient moment that could be embraced, with safety, was appropriated to that purpose, not only during the night, but sometimes during the day. The person from whom detection was most to be feared, was the sentinel at the door, and by watching his motions, through the grates, they might direct the one at work, in such a manner as to avoid suspicion. During the night, a lamp was kept continually burning in the back part of the prison, for the benefit of the sentinel; and as the prisoners had little else to do in the day time, except indulge them selves in sleep and rest, it was generally the case that more or less of them were up during the night, walking the floor for exercise and air. This practice was now regularly pursued, that the noise of their irons and their talk, might drown the noise of the hammer. The hole where they were at work, was at the further end of the prison, and about 80 feet from the door, so that no uncommon noise, beyond what was constantly made amongst so many prisoners, was required to deceive the ears of the sentinel. The wall, through which they expected to pass, was about thirteen feet thick, and was made of stones, bricks and mortar cemented together; the stones were not of the hardest kind, but generally such as are found along the sea shore, from whence they were brought. After one night's work was over, and the pieces Just before mormug, of stone, brick, and mortar, &c. which came from the hole, were by means of water and lime, which was privately procured, made into a kind of imortar and replaced into the hole, the outside rubbed over with a little white-wash; and the old hammock hung before it as usual. So that the keeper when he canfe into the prison, seeing every thing in its proper place, his suspicion was not excited, nor had he any curiosity to make any particular examinations.

for a while, but it was again renewed upon their recovery.

In this manner they continued to pursue their labour, alternately relieving each other, particularly those who made their escape, the principal part of the rest being averse to the attempt, conceiving it bazardous, and that it possibly might involve them in a worse situation; but Mr. Lippincott, Sherman and Smith, were determined to persevere and take the risque and blame upon themselves. Sometimes the sickness and removal of several of the prisoners to the hospital, would cause a cessation of their progress

In order to be prepared to rid themselves of their irons, by the time the hole through the walls should be completed, or upon any other favourable occasion, they procured (by certain out-door assistance) several old knives, which by means of a file they made into saws; with these, while some were engaged at the walls, others were busy sawing upon their bolts, which passed through their ancle-irons, and connected them together, when they ceased sawing, the saw-cuts, made in the bolts, they filled up with wax, by which means they could scarcely be discovered upon inspection. After several months sawing, occasionally in this manner, they had succeeded in sawing their bolts so far off as to be enabled, with their hands, by bending them backwards and forwards, to break them apart; this being done they filled the cuts up with wax, and remained in that situation, prepared to throw them off whenever occasion required.

Those who were sick at the hospital, having recovered, returned to their prison, and commenced working at the breach in the wall, with all possible diligence. Mr. Lippincott and Mr. Sherinan bad previously received from a friend certain advances in money, for which they gave him their bills on their friends in America. This money was privately smuggled into their prison. To this they were in a great measure indebted for their subsequent success. They were now enabled to obtain many things in prison necessary for carrying on their operations, they procured knives, files, &c. and a sufficiency of provisions by which they were enabled to recover strength to encounter the intended attempt. Many other advantages they derived from this source, which it is not conceived necessary, here to enu

merate.

They had now, after about seven months' diligent labour, though interrupted at intervals, so far finished the hole as to reach the outside of the prison walls; a few minutes would complete it so as to enable them to pass out.

About this time one of the prisoners, Mr. Jeremiah Powell, received a pardon from the King of Spain, and was dischar ged from his imprisonment.

On or about the 7th of November, 1807, about 11 o'clock at night, after the usual hour of rest, they prepared to take French leave of their old sergeant. They divided, the number of prisoners, who were wil ling to risque the danger, into different companies, for better safety after they

- were

were out. Mr. Lippincott and Sherman formed one company by themselves, They then drew lots to ascertain who should first venture out, and the order in which they should proceed. The principal immediate danger, to be apprehended, was from the sentinels upon the top of the wall, who might not happen to be asleep upon their post. The person who drew the first chance to go out, happened to be a prisoner who was unwell, and accordingly declined going. Mr. Lippincott, and Mr. Sherman, agreed with him to take his chance off his hands. Mr. Sherman having taken off his irons, first went out, immediately Mr. Lippincott followed, and the rest pursued in their order; no noise was made, and the sentry remained undisturbed. Lippincott and Sherman crept round the walls of the town, until they came to a river, on the other side of which was a small village. After travelling up and down the shore of this river, they discovered a canoe hauled upbefore the door of a Spanish hut: this with great difficulty they dragged into the river, notwithstand they were molested by dogs, whose noise was nearly thwarting their attempt. Atter etecting this, they crossed over, landed near a guard-house, and were nearly falling into the hands of the guard; owing to the darkness of the night, however, they avoided them. Here they travelled about in search of a place where they could be concealed for the ensuing day, until being weak and fatigued with the difficulties they had encountered, their strength failed them, and they sat, or rather fell down in the street. It was nearly day-light, and they had but a short ume to provide for their safety, at length d-covering a light, in a small hut at some distance, they approached it, they made themselves known to the poor tenants, as prisoners in distress, and immediately offered them two or three pieces of gold; they shook their heads, but upon doubling the sum they consented to receive, and secrete them for a short time. They remained in this situation until the next night, when they made their escape to another place, where they remained secreted for several weeks, when they made another move, trusting to their fnend, which they carried in their pockets.

The other sixteen prisoners took a ourse along the edge of the shore, except Moses Smith, who being somewhat unwell, and unable to proceed, concealed himself in the bushes, where he lay until the second night, during which time the MONTHLY MAG. No. 182.

cavalry and other soldiers passed by, and were near falling upon him in pursuit of the prisoners. He crept out, and taking the course that Mr. Lippincott and Sherman had taken, crossed the river, where he again concealed himself until the ensuing night, being two days without eating. The next day he came across a friend who informed him where he could find Mr. Lippincott and Sherman; they received him in with them and afforded him their assistance. Shortly afterwards all three, Mr. Lippincott, Sherman, and Smith, embarked on board of a boat, that they procured for that purpose, and put to sea in expectation of being picked up by some English vessel off the harbour. This expectation was realized, tho' not by an English vessel, and after a voyage of $1 days, they arrived safe in the United States in January 1803, when they proceeded to their homes at Philadelphia and NewYork, having been absent more than two years, and nearly two years in prison.

The other fifteen prisoners pursued the edge of the shore for about ten miles, when their progress was intercepted by a river, or ferry in pursuing this river up and down, in order to cross, they happened all to meet at an old Spaniard's house, for the purpose of procuring means to cross over. The Spaniard immediately knew who they were, and began to ask them some questions, and offered his services to assist them, which they gladly accepted. He engaged with them, that upon their giving him what money they had, he would conceal them that night, and the next ensuing night would carry them to the Indian Territory, about 40 miles from Carthagena, where they might easily make their escape. This agreement they concluded, and paid him what money they had, being in the whole about 50 dollars. The next day the Spaniard was informed that the governor had offered ten dollars a head for them. This reward he found would amount to more than he had received from the prisoners; accordingly, he went and most treacherously made an agreement with the government to give them up. The next night, towards evening, he, together with two or three other Spaniards, took the prisoners on board of a boat to carry them to the place agreed upon. After passing along by the town, he rowed them to the shore, under some pretence or other, when immediately appeared about 50 armed soldiers and horsemen, according to appointment, ready to receive them, and instantly took them into custody, and carried them back to their prison.

To

To the Editor of the Monthly Magazine. sented, is no more than the above

SIR,

HERE is no opinion more frequently

Throached in the works of foreigners,

and the phantasmagoric representations of financiers, than the wealth of England, I am unfortunate enough to think, that this opinion is, in a very great degree, fanciful, and that what is called the wealth of England, is not in much of it actual capital, but a mere phantom, composed of industry and banking. This affirmation I shall endeavour to prove.

Adam Smith establishes a position, which has, I believe, not been controverted, viz. that whenever a paper currency exceeds the demands of the country, it reverts upon the issuer. I merely make use of this axiom, to prove, that a paper currency does arise from the deinands of a country, if wanted: but is it necessary to prove it.

We will suppose the industry of a country to be very great, such as that of England, and that it is directed to various articles of convenience and luxury. One person wants to enjoy these conveniences and luxuries; another to have the capital to establish the manufactures. Suppose it an infant nation, as all are at first, and to consist only of land-owners. Suppose then, to create a capital necessary for these respective wants of creation and consumption, a system of banking to arise, by means of bills; founded upon the credit of the landed property of the bankers; the deficiency of a capital is then supplied. But though this capital passes for wealth, it is not money; the securities or estates, having no increase of value whatever, in consequence of becoming such securities, nor the agricultural product a grain more. The actual wealth consists, beyond the mere stock at any time in hand, of nothing more than the industry of the inhabitants, and a quantity of paper, which from confidence, and general consent to take it as money, passes as such, but is of no actual value, further than as it can procure money's worth, in goads: in goods, I say, for were there no demand beyond the specie, which demand is created by industry, and a taste for luxury, it would revert upon the issuer, and specie alone circulate. Suppose this paper on a sudden to become of no value: what remains? no more than what just as much existed before it was issued: viz, a quantity of territory, some specie, and some stock of raw or wrought goods. All the actual wealth which this mass of paper repre

phantom, created by the industry and taste for luxuries, in the inhabitants: and

hence it foliore, as a corollary, that the

quantity of current paper, and the ratio, in which the banking system prevails, are no bad tests of the industry and commerce of a country.

Suppose a banker employs his money in government securities, or advances to tradesmen. The principal lent to government is spent, in consumable and transient necessaries; and the interest alone renders the principal capable of being realised in no other form, than by transfer, and it circulates, till it stops, where a buyer is content to live upon the interest, as estate. If it be advanced to tradesinen, it is spent upon consumable commodities, or in payment of labour; and there is no capital, beyond the stock at any time in hand, realised. Banking augments the powers of the landed people to spend: and the bankers, by means of the government securities, obtain a power of spending still further; the money advanced in a loan is imaginary, being only a transfer of old wealth; but the new securities, in the form of interest and taxes, create a new and imaginary capital, and a new power of spending, still further; and this is probably one reason, why trade is found to flourish in despight of taxes; nothing can be more self-evi dent, than that every new loan creates a new quantity of stock: that what is given for the purchase of that loan, is only old wealth, actually existing in the country before, but the omnium still remains marketable, and through the interest is the actual creation of a new income, and by consequence of a new power in the country of spending more. When we are told that the property tax, customs, &c. increase, notwithstanding our burdens, this is in my opinion one reason.

This species of wealth is, I think, the real wealth of England, beyond the land, stock, and specie. Wherever industry is predominant, and a market is open, banking generates a capital, and government, by its necessities, finds out secu rities for its investment; still were the French to invade Great Britain to-mor row, and take it, the acquisition would be by no means, what they expected. The confidence and the security being gone, the powers of spending forty mil lions per annum, which the stockholder possesses, all the powers of spending also, derived from the profits of the

bankers,

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For the Monthly Magazine. XARRATIVE of a TOUR through BENGAL, BAHAR, and OUDE, to AGRA, DELHI, and other PLACES in the INTERIOR of HINDUSTAN, Undertaken in the YEARS, 1794, 1795, 1796, and 1797. (Continued from p. 444, vol. 26.)

WING to the delay in the morning, and the fatigue of the Dandies, our progress this day was not great; at sunset we brought to in a kind of cove, which ran two or three hundred yards inland, and formed a very convenient and snug harbour. It had a communication through some marshy ground, with a large jeeb, or lake, covered with water-fowl of various descriptions. It is curious to observe the precautions they take, to preserve themselves from danger, particularly the geese and Braminah ducks; the latter are very beautiful birds of a deep orange colour, with white ruffs round their necks, and of a size somewhat larger than muscovyducks. Before they venture to indulge themselves in the water, they post a centry on the most elevated spot, with as much regularity as a guard of soldiers; sheep, cattle, and other animals, approach his post without exciting alarm; but no Bonner does their grand enemy, man, particularly an European, make his appearance, although at a considerable distance, than the centry gives a signal, which the rest immediately attend to, by leaving off their sports, and preparing for flight. If the person continues to advance towards them, the centry gives another signal, and springs up into the air, where he is followed by the rest of the flock, so that it is extremely difficult to get within shot of them. They are, however, hardly worth much trouble, as they are in general rank and ill-flavoured; but the widgeons, duck, and teal, are excellent, and they abound in every part of the country in astonishing numbers. The natives have an odd way of catching hem, which, on account of its singularity, I cannot avoid mentioning. The sportsman repairs to the scene of action early in the morning, before day-light, with a bag, an earthen pot, some clods of earth and grass, and a few small green boughs; he approaches the lake in the

part most remote from his game, and proceeds in his operations with the greatest silence and circumspection; the bag is fastened round his middle, in such a manner that it may hang down before him; he then slips gently into the water up to his chin, and covers his head with the earthen pot, the sides of which had previously been perforated with several holes, to admit the air, as well as to enable him to see his way; the outside of the pot is covered with the clods of earth and the green boughs, which gives it the resemblance of a detached fragment of the bank. Thus disguised, he creeps along towards his game, taking care not to go beyond his depth; the unsuspecting ducks gambol about, and nibble at the grass on the pot, unconscious of the foe lurking beneath: he now proceeds to business, and catching hold of one of them by the leg, with a sudden, but silent jerk, pulls it under water, di-locates the neck, and then crams it into his bag: the sudden disappearance of the bird excites no alarm in the others, as they naturally conclude that it was merely diving in sport: he goes on in this manner, until he fills his bag, when he retreats with the same caution he advanced, and carries his prize to the next station, to sell to the Europeans, as birds of every description are held in the utmost abhorrence by the Hindus, as an article of food; and the Mahometans, like the Jews, eat nothing but what has had its vital blood shed on the ground, and a particular form of prayer repeated at the time. I did not much like the appearance of the sky at sunset, and the Mangee was of opinion, it prognosticated a storm. I therefore had the boats well secured, and made every preparation to guard against a north-wester. Our apprehensions were well-founded; for about nine o'clock, one of the most violent gales I ever experienced came on; it blew with irresistible violence, but the precautions we had previously adopted, added to the security of our harbour, enabled us to weather it out in a very gallant inanner; the violence of the gale did not last quite an hour, and it continued gradually to abate, until about half after eleven o'clock, when the air became again perfectly serene. A confused uproar a short distance to Iceward, led me to imagine some unfortunate traveller had been wrecked in the squawl; I therefore detached my Harcarrah, and several Dandies to assist the sufferers.

The

The Harcarrah presently returned, and informed me that a Saheb's boat had been wrecked in the gale, and that he and his people were in great distress. I immediately sent him back with a note to the gentleman, offering him a shelter for the night, and the assistance of all my people to extricate him from his difficulties; presently my gentleman made his appearance, in a very miserable plight, wet from top to toe, and shivering with the cold so violently, that his teeth sounded like a pair of castanets; he told me in very tolerable English, that he was an European Portuguese, proceeding from Calcutta, to Baugilpore, but that his boat (a small Dacca Pulwar) having been lost in the squawl, he was utterly at a loss how to proceed. I soon found that he was among the lowest or der of Portuguese, a class of people I have a strong aversion to, from repeated instances of their depravity; but as he was in distress, I comforted him as well as I could, by supplying his immediate wants of apparel and refreshment, and a promise of taking him in my boat to the place of his destination. We then walked down to examine the wreck, which we found nearly full of water, part of her side and bottom being staved in; the owner of the boat, who was also the mangee, was the principal sufferer, as it did not appear my Portuguese acquaintance had ten rupees worth of property on board, and the little he had was all saved and taken to my boat, and the Signior himself soon lost all recollection of his recent disaster in a sound sleep, in my Palanquin. Next morning he paid his respects to me at an early hour, and, after a few introductory compliments, informed me his name was Lorenzo de Cabral, a native of Alentejo, which he had quitted when a boy, and gone to the Brazils to seek his fortune; but after a trial of some years, finding no prospect of bettering it in that quarter, he had removed to Goa, the principal Portuguese settlement on the Malabar coast; his endeavours there proving equally unsuccessful, he had three or four years back arrived in Calcutta, a city which had been represented to him as the paradise of the world, and where gold mohurs and rupees were to be picked up with very little trouble; but unfortunately he found those pretty things as difficult to be acquired there, as any where else; and after many attempts

Salieb is literally a gentleman, but appiled more particularly to an European.

to gain a livelihood, he had lately removed to the Sunderbunds, where he maintained himself by sending faggots to Calcutta for sale. On enquiring his business at Baugilpore, he told me that he was going to visit a countryman settled there in the cloth trade, with a view of trying if he could do any thing in that line himself. The Signior's story appeared so very consistent, and his demeanour so mild, and unassuming, that I felt a good deal interested for him, and frequently admitted him into my cabin. when he used to amuse me with an account of the Brazils, and his various adventures in the Sunderbunds, with tigers and alligators. In this manner we proceeded on without any thing remarkable occurring, until we arrived at Raaje Mahul, formerly a considerable town, but now dwindled into an insignificant village. On the south bank of the river, part of a palace belonging to the once great Sultan Sujah still remains in pretty good preservation; the interior of two of the rooms is composed entirely of pure white marble, inlaid with inscriptions from the Koran in black marble; the letters are beautifully formed, and so well fitted in the white ground, as to give them the appearance, even after a close inspection, of having been done with a camel-hair pencil, by a masterly hand; this palace is built on a rock, on the margin of the river about forty feet above its level; in front of the building an open area extends to the brink of the precipice, round which there is a parapet wall breast high, erected a few months before my arrival, in consequence of a fatal accident which happened to a military officer, of the name of Van Ristell. At that time a wooden railing was the only safeguard. Mr. Van Ristell stopped here on his way to one of the military stations, and incautiously leaned on the railing, which not being sufficiently strong to support his weight, gave way, and he fell headlong down the precipice on a projecting part of the rock, where his head was literally dashed to pieces. I shuddered as I looked down on the spot, and fancied some of the blood still remained on the stones. I knew Van Ristell well, and could not but feel some melancholy sensations on viewing the scene of his un timely death; his remains were buried in a garden adjoining the palace, and a plam but decent monument erected to his memory. About the middle of the seventeenth century, Ranje Mahul was the seat of the government of Bengul,

under

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