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have nothing to do with them ; all that of aggression, but that great Princes, we have to be assured of—and we are wherever seated, whether in France or in assured of it—is that the relations between Germany, will feel that there is a higher the two countries are such as must be to glory than mere military glory-a truer the advantage of the two nations and of source of power than the mere development the world at large. These being my ge- of military force. I think that the occurneral opinions on the subject, and having rences of every day must more and more expressed then when other Princes were convince Monarchis and Cabinets that there on the throne, when other dynasties fou are sources of strength to be enjorel by a rished, and when a different form of go- nation, for the enjoyment of which moral vernment prevailed, why should I be pre influences are required, and which no matevented from saying now that, so far as rial resources can command. The respect this country is concerned, it has found in of the world, the appreciation by the the Emperor of the French a faithful ally, civilized communities of Europe of the proved at a moment of emergency, and I conduct of a Prince, give him a credit on believe the alliance between the two coun. the exchanges of Europe more important tries is prized as a great act of policy by than the treasure which he derives from his that Prince? I cannot, therefore, bring subjects. The belief that he dares to myself to think that so sagacious a Prince resist the temptation of military lust, that is about wantonly to disturb the peace of he desires to acquire reputation for political the world, and to subvert the good opinion justice, gives to that Prince an authority which his previous wise conduct has gained which the organization of troops will never from the other States of Europe. Until command. These are opinions prevalent much more has happened than has yet in high places—they are no longer confined reached us, I will not relinquish the opinion to the closets of philosophers—they are th: the agitation which now undoubtedly influencing, even at this moment, the course exists in men's minds as to the state of of public affairs. The very announcement the relations between France and Austria in the Speech from the Throne this day, will pass away-1 will still cling to the referring to the termination of the misconopinion that the termination of the present ception between Portugal and France, is state of things will not be a struggle be- an illustration of the power of public tween two military Powers which cannot opinion. A great Prince was placed in benefit Italy, but rather a wise, politic, well- momentary,- I will not call it collision-considered union between two great Powers but painful misconception with an honourin devising measures which will lead to the able Power of very inferior strength. Ilis improvement of the condition of Italy and feets arrived in the Tagus, and by the to the removal of those causes of war, demonstration of superior force he obtained which so long as that condition remains the object of his desires. But at the unimproved must periodically recur, I have moment he felt that public opinion did not attempted, not in answer to the observa- approve of that recourse to superior power, tions of the noble Viscount on this im- he reflected upon his position, he acknowportant subject, but in noticing them, to ledged the force of truth, and in the letter place before the House the policy which to his relative, Prince Napoleon, in the the Government have pursued and are commission which he issued and in the pursuing with reference to the condition of treaty which is virtually concluded, he Italy and the jealousies at present existing showed the respect he felt for the public between two great Powers. We have en- opinion of enlightened Europe. I believe tered into no alliances ; we have made no llis Imperial Majesty will act in the same agreements on the subject. but we have spirit now. It is natural that he should given to all the powers concerned the same take especial interest in the condition of frank, friendly, and cordial counsel. It is Italy. He is connected with it by blood, a counsel which has two objects---first, the by his contiguity to it as a great Power, maintenance of peace ; secondly, the im- and by many considerations which cannot provement. of the condition of Italy ; and influence a northern and Protestant State ; I cannot relinquish my persuasion that, in but we have confidence in his sagacity, and an age like the present, when public evidence in his past conduct of his deference opinion, if not omnipotent in every country, to public opinion ; and I cannot think that exercises in every country a great and the questions now pending will not receive benignant sway, a military struggle will from him that judicious consideration which not be entered into from a wanton spirit experience gives us a right to expect. I am glad that the House has shown itself | ing. I must say that I entirely agree disinclined to question the general accuracy with almost every word that has fallen of the representations made by the hon. from my noble friend the Member for Mover and Seconder of the Address, and I Tiverton upon this subject. I could have trust that the rest of the Session will be as wished that in 1815 some other arrangepacific as this night.

ment had been made with regard to the Viscount PALMERSTON : I wish to northern provinces of Italy. I could have set myself right with the House. The wished that even of late years Austria had right hon. Gentleman conceives that I ex- thought it conducive to her interests to repressed an opinion that war was probable. linquish some of the territories which she I may have said so inadvertently, just as possesses in northern Italy. But the treaty; the right hon. Gentleman stated that he did fully made and ratified, which gives her not think peace utterly hopeless, while the those territorial possessions, is part of the tenor of his argument was quite the other public law of Europe, and no one can at. way. What I meant to say was that there tempt to disturb by force that territorial was a general opinion on the Continent arrangement, without committing an ofthat war was likely, but I endeavoured to fence against the public law of Europe, adduce reasons why, in my opinion, the and, of course, without deep injury to the Sovereigns concerned were too wise to do peace of Europe,

Therefore, I should anything of the sort.

hope, with the right hon. Gentleman, that LORD JOHN RUSSELL: Sir, I do not no such wanton violation of that treaty will rise to find fault with the Address just pro- be committed. But if an aggression were to posed-on the contrary, I have heard Her be made, for the purpose of aggrandiseMajesty's Speech with great pleasure ; nor ment—if France were to have territories shall I think it necessary to enter into any added to her, and Sardinia also was to inof the questions which we may have to con- crease her possessions, that would only sider hereafter. The right hon. Gentleman make the aggression more odious than the had told us that the papers with regard to merely wanton violation of a treaty. I the Charles et Georges will be laid on the have always taken a very deep interest in table, and he has expressed an opinion, the independence and freedom of Italy; that when we have read them we shall but I cannot say that I think that the cause agree that the conduct of Her Majesty's of Italian freedom and independence would Government redounds to their credit, and be promoted by such a war as appears to proves the friendly nature of their feelings be in contemplation. In the old days of towards Portugal. I shall read those the Whig Club there was a toast which papers with the most perfect impartiality, used frequently to be given and responded and I shall be glad if I can come to the to,-“ The Cause of Civil and Religious same conclusion as the right hon. Gentle- Liberty all over the World.” When Mr. man. Neither, Sir, do I wish now to enter Canning became Secretary of State for into the question of the increase of our Foreign Affairs, he changed his seat from naval forces. I shall listen to the state- Liverpool to Harwich ; and he went down ment of the First Lord of the Admiralty to Harwich and presided at a dinner, and on that subject, and if he makes out his the toast which he gave was “ The Cause case, I shall give my vote in support of the of Civil and Religious Liberty all over the proposition with great pleasure. These are World.” I also am for the cause of civil matters for future consideration ; but there and religious liberty all over the world, but does appear to me to be one matter which, I cannot for the life of me see how that if we are to discuss, we must discuss to- cause would be promoted by any such

ag. day, and on which the right hon. Gentle- gression as is now spoken of. We have man wishes to give the House as much no right to criticise the form of governsatisfaction as possible, and has felt that ment which is adopted in a neighbouring he could not give that satisfaction in any nation. The people of France, by the complete form. He has told us, that with value which they set on peace, and by the regard to the breaking out of war between prevalent opinion which is now said to be two great Powers of Europe, he should almost universal, that peace ought to be hesitate to say that war was probable, or preserved, show their estimation of the covthat peace was absolutely hopeless. Those dition in which they now are, and it is not are expressions which I have no doubt con- for us to quarrel with them as to their form vey a right impression of the present state of government. But if that Government of affairs, and they are not a little alarm- to make an invasion upon another country, with the view of improving the form of given to the Pope, as has been said, but government in that country, then we cer at the same time forcible means were used. tainly should have a right to ask whether In 1848 the people of Tuscany, in the the freedom and independence of that general confusion and fury that prevailed country will be promoted by such a pro. upon the Continent, became discontented ceeding. Therefore, Sir, for all these with their very mild Government, and reasons I should deprecate, as an infraction established a Republic ; but they had not of the

peace of Europe, as one of the very had a Republic long before they themworst examples that could be set, and as selves repented of their haste and of their tending to shake men's confidence in all revolution, and overset the Republican Gotreaties in which the present stability of vernment and restored again the authority Europe is founded, any such war as is now of the Grand Duke. Here, then, was the spoken of. But we must not attempt -- example of a people who of their own and we should gain no advantage for the accord wished to revert to that mild form cause of peace, no advantage for the future of government which they had found was welfare of Italy or of Europe, by endea most consistent with their happiness and vouring to do so-to blind our eyes to prosperity ; but that was not enough—not those serious evils and misfortunes which a bit of it. A great Austrian division was from time to time have been inflicted marched into Tuscany, and kept there upon Italy. Austria, since the peace some years, for no purpose of necessity, of 1815, governing according to her but to insult that very mild and docile own views, and they are often very people with the spectacle of a foreign enlightened ideas-has maintained strong armed force domineering over them. Apd garrisons and forts in that

country. now again with regard to Central Italy, of From the very first year of the signa- which the right hon. Gentleman has spoken, ture of the treaty, Austria attempted to be it observed that it is these interferences govern the whole of Italy. She early of Austria which have attracted the atten. interfered to prevent the King of the Two tion and excited the jealousy of France. Sicilies from introducing into his kingdom It is useless for us to inquire why these institutions based upon principles different great Powers should be jealous of one from those which prevailed in Austria ; another, because we know that it is and and when in 1821, the Neapolitan people must be the case. Accordingly, in the attempted to improve their institutions, early part of Louis Philippe's reign a and established a representative assembly, French force was sent to Ancona to counwhich earned the respect of Lord Colches- terbalance the interference of Austria in ter, a retired Speaker of this House, who other parts of Italy. Again, in 1848, declared it to be remarkable for the de Austrian troops interfered with the Gocorum and moderation of its proceedings, vernment of the Legations, and a French what was done? Why an Austrian army division was immediately sent to Rome, was marched into Naples, and 40,000 and captured Rome, and according to the troops were placed in that kingdom to pre statement of almost every official person vent the people from having that constitu: in this country then representing France tion and those laws which they deemed it was done entirely because France did best. Lord Castlereagh upon that occa- not choose Austria to have the entire consion, in the name of the British Govern- mand and dominion over Italy. But the ment, declared this fact, which was a sort jealousies of those two great Powers have of protest—that the British Government resulted in misery to the unfortunate people could not approve the principle upon which over whom that military force has imthat invasion took place. Again, when posed a government which is most disthe people of Parma, who were suffering tasteful to them. For, be it observed, the at that time under the worst form of govern- Emperor of the French, not wishing to ment, the worst kind of aristocracy, and impose bad government, wrote himself a the worst class of clergy that were to be letter in which he pointed out what might found in any part of Europe, endeavoured improve the condition of the Roman people,

-certainly by violent means to improve the introduction of the Code Napoleon, their position, 12,000 Austrian troops were secular administration, and other provimarched into the country to prevent the sions. But that advice was not taken. people from improving their institutions. The Austrian Government is, as I have Again, in 1831, there was a similar kind said, in many respects a very enlightened of interference. Advice was, no doubt, Government; but it is not the Austrian Government at Bologna and Ancona, but Parliament, Lord Broughton, and, as his it is the Austrian forces and the French description is contained in a very few words, forces which impose upon that country and in his own nervous style, perhaps the about the very worst form of government House will allow me to read it. This is that any country ever had. Those who his description of a Government, let it be doubt this may consult various works de recollected, that for the last ten years

has scribing what has been the case with the been carried on by the aid of foreign forces. Papal Government. Among others, there Lord Broughton says--is one very interesting and amusing work

“ If under this theocracy there were a tolerably by the present right hon. and learned At- impartial administration of justice-if the lives, torney General for Ireland. He travelled persons, and properties of the citizens were secured in Italy, and he is not content with a by any contrivance—it would be no great hardship superficial view, but he gives you parts of the altar, instead of the 'Throne. But the reverso

to submit to the anomaly of receiving laws from the Code of the Roman State, and he is notoriously the case, and there is scarcely a points out how inconsistent those provi single principle of wise regulation acted upon or sions are with anything like justice and recognized in the Papal States.” freedom. I have heard myself the way in Again, he sayswhich the Government is conducted and

The first principles of criminal jurisprudence the manner in which every attempt at im- seem as much forgotten or unknown as if the provement is frustrated. The people said French code had never been the law of the land ; at one time “Let us have a secular Go. a secret process, a trial by one judge and a sen. vernment, and let the ecclesiastical officers tence by another, protracted imprisonment, disbe replaced by secular officers.

proportioned judgments, deferred and disgusting Well,

punishments, all tend to defeat the ends of justice secular officers were sent to them, but they and to create a sympathy with the culprit rather were men so ill calculated to create con- than a rever

nce for the law." fidence, and so entirely without character, Sir, I mentioned two years ago in this that the poor people said, “ Let us have House, the sentence of a tribunal, which the priest back again, or let us have a I had then before me at great length, cardinal, or anything in preference to these by which many persons had been tried, people.' Thereupon it was argued that of whom it was said that their particular they were not in favour of a secular Go-'confessions could not be received, because, vernment. In the same way municipal having been taken under torture, and institutions were introduced, and it was having been afterwards disavowed by the said that the people did not want muni- accused persons, they could not be concipal institutions. Before the French Re- sidered as valid. And that is the admivolution there were municipal institutions. nistration of justice in the Ronian States ! The people very much governed them- Then, can you wonder that the people of selves. The French destroyed all these Central Italy thus governed-and thus gomunicipal institutione, but they put in verned by means of a foreign force-have their place a good administration of jus. become impatient under that burden, and tice, and what is called an enlightened des- can you wonder that they would resort to potism. Since 1852 they have had neither any extremity, that they would look to municipal institutions nor an enlightened ariy resource, rather than continue in their despotism. They have abuses of every present state? But wbat is the remedy ? kind, corruption of every shade, and, in- The right hon. Gentleman, if I understand deed, are suffering under evils of every him right, says advice has been given, kind that maladministration can possibly en- no doubt with the most benevolent ingender. If persons are required to pay alle- tentions, namely, that Austria and France giance they should receive protection from should frame measures, should point out the Government, and in what respect is pro- how justice should be administered, how tection more required than in the adminis- the general administration should be puritration of justice? It is one of the first fied, and how the Government should be objects of Government that there should be carried on. Well, this is all very good justice between man and man; that crimi. advice. But there is one plan better than nal justice should be fairly administered ; any of these, and that is that the people that civil justice should be had without should be allowed to settle the law for corruption; but I happened to be reading, themselves. I remember reading a pamI think last night, a description of the phlet some time ago on Italy. It was Roman Government by a noble Friend of written by Signor Farini, whose History mine, a Member of the other House of of the Papal States was translated by my VOL. CLII. (THIRD SERIES).

E

right hon. Friend the Member for the Uni- believe that there is any sufficient cause versity of Oxford, who I wish were here for it. I cannot believe that there is on this occasion, because there is no man any necessity for it. You have said in whose voice has been raised so powerfully the Treaty of Paris, and said most wisely, on behalf of Italy. Well, Signor Farini that there shall be no interference in Baid this; he had been reading the Treaty the Danubian Principalities, no interference of Paris :

in Servia by any foreign troops, unless all “ I observe that by this treaty the people of the contracting Powers of Europe are conMoldavia and Wallachia are to be allowed to senting parties to that interference. Now, meet to consider their own form of Government. why should we not say that with regard to Why should not we have the same thing? Why the whole state of Italy—that neither in should not the people of Romagna meet and declare what are the laws under which they wish to the States of the Church, nor in Tuscany, live ?

nor in Naples, shall there be any interIt seems to me that Signor Farini was ference by a foreign force unless the perfectly right in that suggestion, and you Powers of Europe are parties to that interhave here, in this very Queen's Speech, ference. Indeed I cannot believe that anya declaration that the Assemblies of these thing short of such a determination is likely Danubian Principalities - these Rouman to solve the Italian problem, or to put an States, if you choose to call them so- end to the misery which has existed in that have met and are settling their own laws. country ever since 1815. I cannot believe Whether these will be good laws or not that any plan that can be framed even in a it is impossible to say, but they will un- spirit of the utmost benevolence by the doubtedly be laws which are fitting for the Austrian Government, or by the French people of those Provinces, and I hope that Government, for the government of the those people will be happy and contented Papal States, will have any success,

be under them. I am convinced that the peo- cause the Papal Government has talent and ple of Central Italy- a people who for five cunning enough to defeat and evade any centuries have been glorious in literature, new provisions, and this is an evil which a people who have been an enlightened ought to be guarded against. I quite nation during those five centuries, and who agree with the right hon. Gentleman in all are, therefore, far superior in mental re-' that he said as to the French alliance. sources than the peasants in the Danubian There is no alliance so valuable to this Principalities—if the foreign forces were country. I believe the disposition of the withdrawn, if provision were made, as pro

o. Emperor of the French is friendly to this vision could easily be made by the Catholic country. I have never seen anything in Powers of Europe (with which arrangement his foreign affairs that has indicated hosthe Protestant Powers have nothing to do) tility to this country. I think there is for the furnishing of any contingent forces nothing so desirable for the people of Great to secure the personal security of the Pope Britain and the people of France, who live in Rome, I am convinced that such a peo- so close to each other, and whose producple would soon settle such laws for their tions and manufactures are so different, as own government as would produce content to cultivate that alliance of commerce which ment and prosperity. Let the people of Mr. Pitt endeavoured to obtain by treaty, Bologna, let the people of Romagna, frame but which you will better obtain by feelings laws for themselves, and I believe the dif. of amity and respect for one another. `I ficulty of Italy would be almost entirely trust, therefore, that the course of prossolved. I believe there would be no need perity which Europe appears to be entering of this bloody war—this conflict of great upon will not be interrupted. Sir, there armies, which will give nothing to their is another subject which the right hon. freedom, and which will, I am afraid, not Gentleman tonched upon somewhat tenadd much to their independence. I believe derly, and which appeared just at the end that while the personal safety of the Pope of the Speech from the Throne. It ceris carefully provided for, the people should tainly appears to me as if Her Majesty's be left to settle what should be their own Ministers had gone through all the topics form of government, of course under the upon which they thought Parliament would suzerainty of the Pope. I agree with expect to be addressed, and that then some the right hon. Gentleman, with my noble Member of the Cabinet said, “Is there Friend, and with the whole House, in nothing forgotten? We have not left out hoping that no such dreadful calamity as Mexico, have we? No, there it is. There war will come upon Europe. I cannot is also a passage about China and Japan.

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