have nothing to do with them; all that of aggression, but that great Princes, we have to be assured of-and we are wherever seated, whether in France or in assured of it is that the relations between Germany, will feel that there is a higher the two countries are such as must be to glory than mere military glory-a truer the advantage of the two nations and of source of power than the mere development the world at large. These being my ge- of military force. I think that the occurneral opinions on the subject, and having rences of every day must more and more expressed them when other Princes were convince Monarchs and Cabinets that there on the throne, when other dynasties flou- are sources of strength to be enjoyed by a rished, and when a different form of go- nation, for the enjoyment of which moral vernment prevailed, why should I be pre influences are required, and which no matevented from saying now that, so far as rial resources can command. The respect this country is concerned, it has found in of the world, the appreciation by the the Emperor of the French a faithful ally, civilized communities of Europe of the proved at a moment of emergency, and I conduct of a Prince, give him a credit on believe the alliance between the two coun- the exchanges of Europe more important tries is prized as a great act of policy by than the treasure which he derives from his that Prince ? I cannot, therefore, bring subjects. The belief that he dares to myself to think that so sagacious a Prince resist the temptation of military lust, that is about wantonly to disturb the peace of he desires to acquire reputation for political the world, and to subvert the good opinion justice, gives to that Prince an authority which his previous wise conduct has gained which the organization of troops will never from the other States of Europe. Until command. These are opinions prevalent much more has happened than has yet in high places-they are no longer confined reached us, I will not relinquish the opinion to the closets of philosophers-they are that the agitation which now undoubtedly influencing, even at this moment, the course exists in men's minds as to the state of of public affairs. The very announcement the relations between France and Austria in the Speech from the Throne this day, will pass away-I will still cling to the referring to the termination of the misconopinion that the termination of the present ception between Portugal and France, is state of things will not be a struggle be- an illustration of the power of public tween two military Powers which cannot opinion. A great Prince was placed in benefit Italy, but rather a wise, politic, well- momentary,-I will not call it collision-considered union between two great Powers but painful misconception with an honourin devising measures which will lead to the able Power of very inferior strength. IIis improvement of the condition of Italy and fleets arrived in the Tagus, and by the to the removal of those causes of war, demonstration of superior force he obtained which so long as that condition remains the object of his desires. But at the unimproved must periodically recur, I have moment he felt that public opinion did not attempted, not in answer to the observa- approve of that recourse to superior power, tions of the noble Viscount on this im- he reflected upon his position, he acknowportant subject, but in noticing them, to ledged the force of truth, and in the letter place before the House the policy which to his relative, Prince Napoleon, in the the Government have pursued and are commission which he issued and in the pursuing with reference to the condition of treaty which is virtually concluded, he Italy and the jealousies at present existing showed the respect he felt for the public between two great Powers. We have en- opinion of enlightened Europe. I believe tered into no alliances; we have made no Ilis Imperial Majesty will act in the same agreements on the subject. but we have spirit now. It is natural that he should given to all the powers concerned the same take especial interest in the condition of frank, friendly, and cordial counsel. It is Italy. He is connected with it by blood, a counsel which has two objects-first, the by his contiguity to it as a great Power, maintenance of peace; secondly, the im- and by many considerations which cannot provement. of the condition of Italy; and influence a northern and Protestant State; I cannot relinquish my persuasion that, in but we have confidence in his sagacity, and an age like the present, when public evidence in his past conduct of his deference opinion, if not omnipotent in every country, to public opinion; and I cannot think that exercises in every country a great and the questions now pending will not receive benignant sway, a military struggle will from him that judicious consideration which not be entered into from a wanton spirit experience gives us a right to expect. I

am glad that the House has shown itself disinclined to question the general accuracy of the representations made by the hon. Mover and Seconder of the Address, and I trust that the rest of the Session will be as pacific as this night.

VISCOUNT PALMERSTON: I wish to set myself right with the House. The right hon. Gentleman conceives that I expressed an opinion that war was probable. I may have said so inadvertently, just as the right hon. Gentleman stated that he did not think peace utterly hopeless, while the tenor of his argument was quite the other way. What I meant to say was that there was a general opinion on the Continent that war was likely, but I endeavoured to adduce reasons why, in my opinion, the Sovereigns concerned were too wise to do anything of the sort.

ing. I must say that I entirely agree with almost every word that has fallen from my noble Friend the Member for Tiverton upon this subject. I could have wished that in 1815 some other arrangement had been made with regard to the northern provinces of Italy. I could have wished that even of late years Austria had thought it conducive to her interests to relinquish some of the territories which she possesses in northern Italy. But the treaty, fully made and ratified, which gives her those territorial possessions, is part of the public law of Europe, and no one can attempt to disturb by force that territorial arrangement, without committing an offence against the public law of Europe, and, of course, without deep injury to the peace of Europe. Therefore, I should hope, with the right hon. Gentleman, that LORD JOHN RUSSELL: Sir, I do not no such wanton violation of that treaty will rise to find fault with the Address just pro- be committed. But if an aggression were to posed-on the contrary, I have heard Her be made, for the purpose of aggrandiseMajesty's Speech with great pleasure; nor ment-if France were to have territories shall I think it necessary to enter into any added to her, and Sardinia also was to inof the questions which we may have to con- crease her possessions, that would only sider hereafter. The right hon. Gentleman make the aggression more odious than the had told us that the papers with regard to merely wanton violation of a treaty. I the Charles et Georges will be laid on the have always taken a very deep interest in table, and he has expressed an opinion, the independence and freedom of Italy; that when we have read them we shall but I cannot say that I think that the cause agree that the conduct of Her Majesty's of Italian freedom and independence would Government redounds to their credit, and be promoted by such a war as appears to proves the friendly nature of their feelings be in contemplation. In the old days of towards Portugal. I shall read those the Whig Club there was a toast which papers with the most perfect impartiality, used frequently to be given and responded and I shall be glad if I can come to the to,-"The Cause of Civil and Religious same conclusion as the right hon. Gentle- Liberty all over the World." When Mr. mian. Neither, Sir, do I wish now to enter Canning became Secretary of State for into the question of the increase of our Foreign Affairs, he changed his seat from naval forces. I shall listen to the state- Liverpool to Harwich; and he went down ment of the First Lord of the Admiralty to Harwich and presided at a dinner, and on that subject, and if he makes out his the toast which he gave was "The Cause case, I shall give my vote in support of the of Civil and Religious Liberty all over the proposition with great pleasure. These are World." I also am for the cause of civil matters for future consideration; but there and religious liberty all over the world, but does appear to me to be one matter which, I cannot for the life of me see how that if we are to discuss, we must discuss to cause would be promoted by any such agday, and on which the right hon. Gentle-gression as is now spoken of. We have man wishes to give the House as much satisfaction as possible, and has felt that he could not give that satisfaction in any complete form. He has told us, that with regard to the breaking out of war between two great Powers of Europe, he should hesitate to say that war was probable, or that peace was absolutely hopeless. Those are expressions which I have no doubt convey a right impression of the present state of affairs, and they are not a little alarm

no right to criticise the form of government which is adopted in a neighbouring nation. The people of France, by the value which they set on peace, and by the prevalent opinion which is now said to be almost universal, that peace ought to be preserved, show their estimation of the condition in which they now are, and it is not for us to quarrel with them as to their form of government. But if that Government is to make an invasion upon another coun

try, with the view of improving the form of given to the Pope, as has been said, but government in that country, then we cer- at the same time forcible means were used. tainly should have a right to ask whether In 1848 the people of Tuscany, in the the freedom and independence of that general confusion and fury that prevailed country will be promoted by such a pro- upon the Continent, became discontented ceeding. Therefore, Sir, for all these with their very mild Government, and reasons I should deprecate, as an infraction established a Republic; but they had not of the peace of Europe, as one of the very had a Republic long before they themworst examples that could be set, and as selves repented of their haste and of their tending to shake men's confidence in all revolution, and overset the Republican Gotreaties in which the present stability of vernment and restored again the authority Europe is founded, any such war as is now of the Grand Duke. Here, then, was the spoken of. But we must not attempt example of a people who of their own and we should gain no advantage for the accord wished to revert to that mild form cause of peace, no advantage for the future of government which they had found was welfare of Italy or of Europe, by endea- most consistent with their happiness and vouring to do so-to blind our eyes to prosperity; but that was not enough—not those serious evils and misfortunes which a bit of it. A great Austrian division was from time to time have been inflicted marched into Tuscany, and kept there upon Italy. Austria, since the peace some years, for no purpose of necessity, of 1815, governing according to her but to insult that very mild and docile own views and they are often very people with the spectacle of a foreign enlightened ideas-has maintained strong armed force domineering over them. And garrisons and forts in that country. now again with regard to Central Italy, of From the very first year of the signa- which the right hon. Gentleman has spoken, ture of the treaty, Austria attempted to be it observed that it is these interferences govern the whole of Italy. She early of Austria which have attracted the atteninterfered to prevent the King of the Two tion and excited the jealousy of France. Sicilies from introducing into his kingdom It is useless for us to inquire why these institutions based upon principles different great Powers should be jealous of one from those which prevailed in Austria; another, because we know that it is and and when in 1821, the Neapolitan people must be the case. Accordingly, in the attempted to improve their institutions, early part of Louis Philippe's reign a and established a representative assembly, French force was sent to Ancona to counwhich earned the respect of Lord Colches-terbalance the interference of Austria in ter, a retired Speaker of this House, who other parts of Italy. Again, in 1848, declared it to be remarkable for the de- Austrian troops interfered with the Gocorum and moderation of its proceedings, vernment of the Legations, and a French what was done? Why an Austrian army division was immediately sent to Rome, was marched into Naples, and 40,000 and captured Rome, and according to the troops were placed in that kingdom to pre statement of almost every official person vent the people from having that constitu- in this country then representing France tion and those laws which they deemed it was done entirely because France did best. Lord Castlereagh upon that occa- not choose Austria to have the entire comsion, in the name of the British Govern- mand and dominion over Italy. But the ment, declared this fact-which was a sort jealousies of those two great Powers have of protest-that the British Government resulted in misery to the unfortunate people could not approve the principle upon which over whom that military force has imthat invasion took place. Again, when posed a government which is most disthe people of Parma, who were suffering tasteful to them. For, be it observed, the that time under the worst form of govern- Emperor of the French, not wishing to , the worst kind of aristocracy, and impose bad government, wrote himself a worst class of clergy that were to be letter in which he pointed out what might in any part of Europe, endeavoured improve the condition of the Roman people, rtainly by violent means-to improve the introduction of the Code Napoleon, position, 12,000 Austrian troops were ched into the country to prevent the le from improving their institutions. n, in 1831, there was a similar kind terference. Advice was, no doubt,

secular administration, and other provisions. But that advice was not taken. The Austrian Government is, as I have said, in many respects a very enlightened Government; but it is not the Austrian

Government at Bologna and Ancona, but Parliament, Lord Broughton, and, as his

right hon. Friend the Member for the University of Oxford, who I wish were here on this occasion, because there is no man whose voice has been raised so powerfully on behalf of Italy. Well, Signor Farini said this; he had been reading the Treaty of Paris:

"I observe that by this treaty the people of Moldavia and Wallachia are to be allowed to meet to consider their own form of Government. Why should not we have the same thing? Why should not the people of Romagna meet and declare what are the laws under which they wish to

live?"

believe that there is any sufficient cause for it. I cannot believe that there is any necessity for it. You have said in the Treaty of Paris, and said most wisely, that there shall be no interference in the Danubian Principalities, no interference in Servia by any foreign troops, unless all the contracting Powers of Europe are consenting parties to that interference. Now, why should we not say that with regard to the whole state of Italy-that neither in the States of the Church, nor in Tuscany, nor in Naples, shall there be any interIt seems to me that Signor Farini was ference by a foreign force unless the perfectly right in that suggestion, and you Powers of Europe are parties to that interhave here, in this very Queen's Speech, ference. Indeed I cannot believe that anya declaration that the Assemblies of these thing short of such a determination is likely Danubian Principalities - these Rouman to solve the Italian problem, or to put an States, if you choose to call them so-end to the misery which has existed in that have met and are settling their own laws. Whether these will be good laws or not it is impossible to say, but they will undoubtedly be laws which are fitting for the people of those Provinces, and I hope that those people will be happy and contented under them. I am convinced that the people of Central Italy-a people who for five centuries have been glorious in literature, a people who have been an enlightened nation during those five centuries, and who are, therefore, far superior in mental resources than the peasants in the Danubian Principalities-if the foreign forces were withdrawn, if provision were made, as provision could easily be made by the Catholic Powers of Europe (with which arrangement the Protestant Powers have nothing to do) for the furnishing of any contingent forces to secure the personal security of the Pope in Rome-I am convinced that such a people would soon settle such laws for their own government as would produce content ment and prosperity. Let the people of Bologna, let the people of Romagna, frame laws for themselves, and I believe the dif. ficulty of Italy would be almost entirely solved. I believe there would be no need of this bloody war-this conflict of great armies, which will give nothing to their freedom, and which will, I am afraid, not add much to their independence. I believe that while the personal safety of the Pope is carefully provided for, the people should be left to settle what should be their own form of government, of course under the Buzerainty of the Pope. I agree with the right hon. Gentleman, with my noble Friend, and with the whole House, in hoping that no such dreadful calamity as war will come upon Europe. I cannot

country ever since 1815. I cannot believe that any plan that can be framed even in a spirit of the utmost benevolence by the Austrian Government, or by the French Government, for the government of the Papal States, will have any success, because the Papal Government has talent and cunning enough to defeat and evade any new provisions, and this is an evil which ought to be guarded against. I quite agree with the right hon. Gentleman in all that he said as to the French alliance. There is no alliance so valuable to this country. I believe the disposition of the Emperor of the French is friendly to this country. I have never seen anything in his foreign affairs that has indicated hostility to this country. I think there is nothing so desirable for the people of Great Britain and the people of France, who live so close to each other, and whose productions and manufactures are so different, as to cultivate that alliance of commerce which Mr. Pitt endeavoured to obtain by treaty, but which you will better obtain by feelings of amity and respect for one another. I trust, therefore, that the course of prosperity which Europe appears to be entering upon will not be interrupted. Sir, there is another subject which the right hon. Gentleman touched upon somewhat tenderly, and which appeared just at the end of the Speech from the Throne. It certainly appears to me as if Her Majesty's Ministers had gone through all the topics upon which they thought Parliament would expect to be addressed, and that then some Member of the Cabinet said, "Is there nothing forgotten? We have not left out Mexico, have we? No, there it is. There is also a passage about China and Japan.