devolve on him. The rules for the examination of candidates for Consular appointments were these: "Persons selected for the Consular Service whenever the circumstance of their being resident in England on their first appointment, or of their passing through England on their way to take up such first appointment, may admit of their being subjected to examination will be expected to satisfy the Civil Service Commissioners "1. That they have a correct knowledge of the English language, so as to be able to express themselves clearly and correctly in writing. "2. That they can write and speak French correctly and fluently. "3. That they have a sufficient knowledge of the current language-as far as commerce is concerned of the port at which they are appointed to reside, to enable them to communicate directly with the authorities and natives of the place; a knowledge of the Italian language being taken to meet this requirement, as far as any place situated to the east of the Straits of Gibraltar is concerned ; and a knowledge of the German language, as regards ports within the Baltic, or countries having ports in the Baltic. "A sufficient knowledge of British mercantile and commercial law, to enable them to deal with questions arising between British shipowners, shipmasters, and seamen. As regards this head of examination, candidates must be prepared to be examined in Smith's Compendium of Mercantile Law." Last year these orders were thought to be very good, and it was expected that in all cases they would be carried out; he should be glad to hear why, in the case of this gentleman, they had not been attended to? He hoped the Foreign Office would look seriously into the duties required of the different Eastern Consuls, because it was impossible any person not brought up to the system of business in China, could sufficiently represent this country there. The hon. Gentleman had taken great credit to the Government for many appointments; but there was one case to which he must be permitted to call the attention of the hon. Gentleman. On a former occasion it was distinctly stated on the part of the Government that Mr. Barbar, our late Vice-Consul at Naples, would be appointed to a post worth double the one he held there. He knew something of the place to which Mr. Barbar had been sent, and he must say, to transfer any one from Naples to Canea, was very like sending him from heaven to hell. Canea was in Candia; the country had no roads; was colder than Scotland, and the bread was very black and sandy. The salary was £500 a year, with office expenses to pay; he believed at Naples Mr. Barbar had an income varying from £400 to £600 in the absence of the Minister. He knew nothing of Mr. Barbar, but considered that gentleman under the protection of the House. He had acted as English Minister in Naples, and it was distinctly understood he was to receive a good appointment within a short time. Yet, he believed Mr. Barbar's family, his wife and children, were compelled to remain at Naples, not daring to go to the place to which he had been appointed; the climate was so bad, and the country so inhospitable. MR. SEYMOUR FITZGERALD said, he would beg to add a word in explanation. He would not, upon the present occasion, touch upon the particular case to which the hon. Gentleman had adverted, but would be ready to do so at any other time; but, in reference to the regulations and orders of the Foreign Office, he might state that during the whole time there had been Consular Offices in China, these rules have never been applicable, and have never been applied to a single appointment. VISCOUNT PALMERSTON :-Sir, the hon. Gentleman the Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs, has alluded to appointments which have been made by my noble Friend the Earl of Clarendon and myself. Originally appointments in China were made-that of Mr. Allcock and otherswhen the ports had been first opened, and no system established by which young men could succeed to the Consulship; but, these arrangements having been made, I am authorised by my noble Friend, the Earl of Clarendon, to say that he appointed no students as interpreters in China, except those who were recommended by Dr. Jelf, the head of King's College, and that institution was selected because in that place alone instruction was given in the Chinese language. The hon. Gentleman the UnderSecretary of State for Foreign Affairs said the language of China differed from that of Japan. I do not profess to have the same knowledge of the Chinese and Japanese languages as the hon. Gentleman, but I should think there is more of analogy between the language of Japan and the language of China than there is between the language of St. James's Street and the language of Japan, and that, after all, a course of study under a Professor of King's College is perhaps a better preparation for Japan than a course of study at Knightsbridge Barracks. Motion agreed to, House at rising to adjourn till Monday next. Order of the Day for the House to go | happened of sufficient importance to justify into Committee of Supply. Moved, That Mr. Speaker do now leave the Chair. STATE OF EUROPE.-EVACUATION OF THE ROMAN STATES. that step. But it is, I hold, the duty of the Members of this House, in moments of great uncertainty-great public anxietyto give to the Ministry an opportunity, by interrogatories put to them, of making such communications as, consistently with VISCOUNT PALMERSTON : Sir, I their responsibility, they may think it exrise, in pursuance of the notice which I pedient to offer for the information of the have given, to make some few, and I country. If they are enabled to state that promise the House they shall be very from the relations betwen us and foreign few, observations upon the state of af- Powers, or from the relations subsisting fairs on the Continent, and also to ask between the different continental States, Her Majesty's Government whether they there is a fair prospect and hope that peace are in a condition to make any com- will be maintained, that is an announcemunication which shall encourage the hope ment which would be highly satisfactory that the general peace of Europe will to the public and most useful to all the be preserved? I can assure the hon. Gen-commercial classes of this kingdom, who tleman opposite that I take this step in no factious-I may say, no party spirit. I do not wish to create any embarrassment to Her Majesty's Ministers. What I desire to do is to perform a duty which I think incumbent on the House of Commonsnamely, to inquire, in the present state of things, what are the prospects to which this country can look forward in regard to the coming spring? Sir, it is needless to attempt to disguise that there is a general apprehension, not in this country only, but throughout all Europe, that the ensuing spring will be marked by great conflicts between military Powers. The last communication which we had from Her Majesty's Government on this subject was that of the right hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer on the first night of the Session, now more than three weeks ago. What he then stated was, that the continuance of peace was not absolutely hopeless. He, indeed, qualified that observation afterwards in the course of his speech; but it was evident that such was the impression at that time resting on his mind. I think, therefore, that I am not taking an undue liberty with the House in giving to the Government an opportunity of saying whether that is still the impression under which they labour, or whether anything may since then have intervened which imparts a more cheerful colour to the aspect of affairs, and encourages them to hope where hope before was not absolutely out of the question. Sir, I do not blame the Government for having hitherto made no communication to this House. It is not the practice, nor do I think it the duty, of Her Majesty's Ministers to volunteer communications, except when some event has are now about to make their arrangements than that they should be led to take steps in the dark, and perhaps afterwards find themselves on the brink of an abyss. What, then, is the ground on which I think it necessary to put this question to Her Majesty's Government? Why, we know that from one end of Europe to the other there is not only great expectation of an approaching conflict, but that Governments are arming, that vast preparations are making for warlike enterprises-that, armies are collecting-I will not say being increased, because most of the great military Powers of the Continent have been maintaining in time of peace a force ready for the outbreak of war - but it is notorious that military stores are being accumulated, muskets making, cannon are casting, horses being bought, troops moved from point to point, fortifications being strengthened, ships being equipped, transports got in readiness. All these things indicate an anticipation on the part of the Governments engaged in them that in the course of the ensuing spring and summer they may be called upon to make some great military or naval efforts. This being the state of the case, one naturally asks one-self what is all this about? what disaster. Well, is Sardinia preparing to commit an unprovoked breach of those treaties ?-Sardinia, which holds by these very stipulations the possessions which are a chief source of her wealth and prosperity. I cannot believe that the sagacious monarch who rules Sardinia, or the wise Minister who governs under His Majesty, can contemplate anything so wild and insane. Then, as to Russia and Prussia, surely they have no intention to disturb the peace of Europe by a wanton and unprovoked infraction of treaty. But if there is no question pending between any of these Powers which would naturally lead to war, is the cause which has led these different Governments to make these extensive preparations? Is it the fact that any one Power has given to another great cause of offence, or inflicted some great injury for which redress has been demanded and refused that honour and dignity on the one side are committed against honour and dignity on the other, and that therefore nothing is left but to submit the ground of quarrel to the arbitrement of the sword? Sir, I am not aware that any such cause exists. I have yet to learn that between any two great Powers of Europe there has arisen any ground of difference which would justify or require an appeal to arms. if there is no design on the part of any Then I ask myself, has any great Power manifested an intention to set aside those treaties which form the groundwork of the existing settlement of Europe, by making an unprovoked aggression upon any of its neighbours? To begin with France-I cannot suppose her to entertain any intention to commit a wanton violation of treaties; because, while it may be true that the treaties of 1815 were not altogether such as the French_nation might wishalthough they left France untouched as one of the greatest naval and military Powers of the Continent, although they left her powerful by her natural resources, by the intelligence of her people, by all her means of offence and defence-I say whatever the French nation might have thought of those treaties, every successive Government in France from the year 1815 down to the present hour, whether that Government has been monarchical, republican, or imperial, has respected and observed those treaties with signal good faith. And I have yet to learn that there is any reason for imputing to the existing Government of France any intention to depart from the loyal conduct which has hitherto characterized the rulers of that nation. Then, Sir, is Austria going to break these treaties-Austria, who rests upon them her title to possessions to which-unwisely, I think-she in point of fact still clings? Is Austria likely to set an example of breaking the engagements to which she appeals as the title deeds of some of the territories that she prizes the most? I cannot believe anything of the kind. Is Austria likely to enter into an unprovoked conflict with Sardinia? The Austrian Government must be too wise to contemplate an undertaking which, whatever might be its first result, must ultimately end in great discomfiture and of them to violate the treaties which form the settlement of Europe,-what is it that has produced the general impression which prevails as to their disagreement and their preparations for an appeal to arms? Sir, I think we must look for the cause of all this to the state of Central Italy. It must lie in the ancient rivalries and jealousies which have so long existed between France and Austria in regard to Italy, and which have now been brought into more active operation by the joint occupation of Central Italy by the troops of those two Powers. That, in my opinion, is the only point to which we can refer the anxiety that exists, and the preparations of which we are told. That occupation of Central Italy, which began under excusable reasons, and was meant to be only temporary, has now continued for nearly ten years. It is high time that it should end. And, Sir, if it be that which is the real cause of these jealousies and differences between two great military Powers, why the obvious and ready method by which the general uneasiness of Europe can be calmed down, and any contest between France and Austria avoided, would be their mutual and simultaneous evacuation of the States of the Church, and their retirement within their own respective frontiers. I know only that which everybody knows; but I should say that the French Government must feel the embarrassment of their present position. I should think that if either party shows a disinclination to assent to such a mutual retirement, that disinclination must be on the part of Austria-on her part, I must say, from a mistaken view of her own interest as connected with this question. It is said that Austria may think that if she withdraws from the Papal State a revolution would break out; that the flame once kindled, might extend to her own boun not see that that is any reason why a Protestant should not wish for an improvement in the temporal arrangements of the Roman States; but I am sure that it is an additional reason why every good Catholic ought to desire such an improvement. daries; and that the only way to guard and so far from thinking that the mainteherself against danger, is to maintain the nance of such a Government is any advanoccupation of the Roman States. I believe tage to that Church, I am persuaded that that to be a short-sighted and fallacious ar- a reform of the administration of the Rogument. It is urged, indeed, that if my man States would be beneficial both to neighbour's house is about to take fire I itself and to the Catholic religion. Indeed, should not wait till the conflagration has I have heard it seriously argued that I, as reached me, but must go into his house and a Protestant, ought not to endeavour to put it out. Now, I would give different ad- procure an improvement in the administravice. I should say "Make your own house tion of Rome, because the bad character fire-proof by good government-establish which the Roman Government has oban efficient fire-brigade within your own pre-tained is an advantage to those who differ mises, and leave your neighbour to deal from the Roman Catholic belief. I canwith his house as he pleases." But why should these misapprehensions be entertained? Why should the occupation of the Roman States by a large foreign force be necessary for the preservation of tranquillity? Has not the Roman Government troops of its own? Has it not Roman sol- Well, then, if this is at the bottom of diers to maintain order? But it is said, the differences which have led to these "Every Roman soldier is against the Go- military preparations-and I am unable vernment, and if an outbreak were to hap- to see any cause, except this mutual pen they would join the insurgents, instead jealousy between France and Austria — I of supporting the Government." Why, say that the Government of Great Britain Sir, do those who maintain that argument is in a position in which it may be able, by consider what a reflection it implies the exercise of its good offices, and the inthat the Government is so bad that it can- fluence of its sound advice, to render most not find in its own population a faithful body important services to Europe. We are in to defend it against insurrection? But intimate alliance with the Government of then they have the Swiss troops; but France, we are on the best possible terms they say, "The Swiss, too, would join with the Government of Austria. Neither of the insurgents." The Swiss, who have these Governments can suspect the motives proved faithful to the tyrannical Govern- which may actuate us in the endeavour to ment of Naples - who stood by their produce an accommodation; neither of them employer in that State with a fidelity can believe that we should advise either which, in fact and in truth, was praise- to take any step which would be inconsisworthy, although perhaps misapplied in tent with its honour, or would impair its that particular case are we told that dignity; and therefore both must be willeven they will not stand by the Roman Go- ing to accept our counsels in the spirit in vernment in the event of an insurrection? which they are given. Whether they adopt Why, Sir, if that be so, it is the greatest them or not depends upon their own discondemnation which can be passed upon the position; but there can be no reason to preGovernment of Rome; but that the Roman vent the Government of this country from Government is so bad that neither native taking such steps in negotiation as they nor foreigner in its pay can be induced to may think calculated to avert the evils of a support its authority, is no reason why general war; and I cannot but hope that France and Austria should be there to Her Majesty's Government is taking the maintain it. But it is said that these are course which may produce such a result. Catholic Powers, and that they are ac- We all know that Austria has certain tuated by a sense of duty to the head of treaties with the States of Italy. Those their religion. Why, Sir, am I to be told treaties, I believe, contain engagements of that it is essential to the ecclesiastical and two kinds-one to protect them against spiritual authority of the head of a large external aggression, and the other in cersection of the Christian Church, that a Go-tain cases to afford them internal assistvernment should be maintained which is so bad that it condemns two or three millions of its subjects from generation to generation, to civil and political martyrdom? That is a libel upon the Catholic Church; ance. Nobody would ask Austria to forego the first of these engagements. Between the ruling families of many of the Italian States and that of Austria, there are relationships and consanguinity which would peculiarly justify engagements for mutual | the peace of Europe must be founded, first defence from external attack; but, even of all, upon the retirement of foreign troops without that inducement, nothing is more from the central States of Italy; next, common than that a powerful State should feel it its interest to make engagements with a weaker one for the defence of the latter against hostile attacks. We have our engagements with Portugal; Austria may justly have her engagements of the same sort with some of the Italian States. But the other engagements, those which go to interference in the internal affairs of the States, are such as Austria might, with perfect honour, and perfect dignity, put an end to; and unless these engagements cease, I am afraid that a momentary evacuation by France and Austria would produce no permanent effect. Unless it was clearly established that the French troops and the Austrian troops should go away, never to return, except in the case of foreign war, the mere momentary evacuation would be of no permanent avail. upon the engagement that they should, under no circumstances, go back again; and thirdly, upon an endeavour by friendly advice to procure an improvement in the administration of those States. In tendering that advice, we should not be doing it for the first time. In 1832, England, France, Austria, Russia, and Prussia, all united to give good advice to the Roman Government. It is unnecessary to go into the details of that counsel; but it was advice which, if taken, would have afforded contentment to the bulk of the Roman people, and would have obviated many things which have occurred since. I do not mean to say that any reforms or any alterations would entirely and effectually prevent desperate men from raising occasional disturbances. The best Govern ments are subject to those inconveniences. We have had our cabbage garden rebellion; we have our Phoenix Society treason; we have had our Chartist riots; we have had our Canadian insurrection; we have had our Sepoy mutiny; but the bulk of the people being satisfied with the Government under which they live, these temporary local and partial disturbances have been put down by the strong hand, and no danger has been incurred to the institutions of the country. So would it be in the Roman States if a good and enlightened system of administration were established. There might be desperate men who here and there might produce disturbances, but the bulk of the people would be contented with the Government, and no serious danger would thereby occur to the State. Sir, I know it is urged that the Governments of these States, especially that of the Roman States, say, "For Heaven's sake don't leave us; because, if you do, we shall be liable to the greatest disasters." Why, that is very like a story that we have all heard of a nobleman, a relative, I believe, of a Member of this House-a generous and kind-hearted man -who, walking one day in the Park, was accosted by a labouring man, who, telling a piteous tale, said, "If your honour don't assist me, I shall be driven by desperation to do that which nothing but despair would induce me to do." The nobleman gave him half-a-crown, and then, returning after a few steps, said, "Now, my good man, what was it that you would have done if I had had not relieved you 66 ?" "Why, Sir," Well, Sir, I would, therefore, venture to replied the man, cannot you guess it? I submit, as an individual opinion, that if should have been compelled to go and Her Majesty's Government were to succeed look for work, and nothing but the depth in obtaining from Austria and France by of despair would drive me to such an negotiation and by friendly advice, the act." So say the Roman Government, evacuation of the Roman States, and an "For Heaven's sake don't leave us, for if engagement that, come what might, their you do, the greatest of all possible cala- troops would not return, they might then mities will befall us," and if you were to address themselves to the Four Powers, ask them what that calamity is, they and ask them to unite in a repetition would, if they told the truth, reply, "Why, of that which took place unfruitfully we should be compelled to reform our in 1832-an endeavour by friendly counadministration and improve our institu- sels to procure such an improvement in tions, and that is what we should consider the greatest of all possible calamities." For my part, I think that they ought to be left to that greatest of all possible calamities, and that any arrangement which would be calculated permanently to secure the condition, not only of Rome, but also of the other smaller States of Italy as would secure the future tranquillity of those countries. At all events, whether such efforts were successful or not, the British Government would have done its duty, and |
