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country than any mere theorists can give us; and I trust that when the next Session of Parliament shall be inaugurated we shall have to be grateful for loftier triumphs than those of arms, and nobler victories than those of war. I thank the House for its indulgence. And I have much pleasure in seconding the Address to the Crown. Motion made and Question proposed"That," &c. [See Page 64.]

VISCOUNT PALMERSTON

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debtor, shall effectually provide for the punishment of the swindler and the rogue, and shall force the dishonest debtor and the fraudulent or usurious creditor (whatever may be his position) alike to face the ordeal of a public court. With respect to the question of Parliamentary Reform, I believe that the time has come when it is expedient to make some change. I hold, indeed, that the welfare of the people-ever the supreme object of a paSir, I do ternal Government-depends less upon per- not rise for the purpose of adding a No" fection of theory than upon the mode of ad- to the "Aye," which has already been ministration. In my judgment, we possess expressed. I rise to propose no Amendsomething better than any mere electoral ment. I might indeed, perhaps, if it were changes can give us when we have a wise, not taking a liberty, propose some Amenda capable, and a benevolent Executive, ment in the composition of the Speech; anxious by a preventive policy to reduce but that would be to trifle with the House the burden of taxation, and esteeming it a upon an occasion like the present. Sir, it nobler work to make treaties of commerce has seldom, I think, happened to this House than to make war. Nevertheless, I con- to meet at a moment when greater and fess I think that in the lapse of time, in more important questions were coming unthe increase of population, in the advance der discussion than on this day. We asof education, in the spread of intelligence, semble with the prospect, according to genein the expansion of some places, and the ral impression, of war on the Continent, contraction of others, there is a just call which must, if it takes place, be productive for such a measure of reform as shall be of great disasters. We assemble with the sufficient, without being violent. I have announcement that we shall be called upon no doubt Her Majesty's Government will to enter into solemn deliberation upon impropose a scheme suitable to the emergency portant changes in the constitution of this -one that will settle the question for a House. These are questions of themselves long time to come. It is hardly com- sufficient to engage to the utmost the most plimentary to the constitution of this House anxious attention which the Members of that it should require to be patched the Legislature can bestow upon any suband tinkered every quarter of a century. ject. Sir, before I enter upon the topics But, while their measure will be conceived of the Speech I must express my cordial in no peddling spirit, neither, on the other concurrence in those sentiments of conhand, will it display a genius for revolution. gratulation with which the hon. Member We may be sure that it will not ignore who moved this Address alluded to the Royalty, or eliminate an estate of the auspicious event which has recently taken Realm. It will not speak evil of dignities, place in the family of Her Majesty. I am or pander to mobs. It will not set up class persuaded that there is not a man in this legislation, and subject all other classes of country who will not respond to the sentithe community to the domination of the ments which the hon. Gentleman has so lowest. It will not exclude any one class properly and with such good feelings exfrom its fair share of representation in this pressed. When the illustrious Princess House, under the pretence that it is repre- to whom he has alluded quitted these sented elsewhere. But it will aim at mak- shores, the people of England looked ing this House of Commons the exponent upon her as the daughter of England, of the views of all classes, the reflection of and expressed the liveliest interest the population, the industry, the wealth, in her future welfare. We may reathe worth, the intelligence of the people. sonably hope that the Prince to whom Her Majesty's Government, I am per- she has lately given birth may live long suaded, will show us that there is a better to be an ornament and an advantage to reform than that which seeks to destroy; the country of his birth, and an honour that there are truer friends to their country to the lineage from which he has sprung. than those who rail against its institutions; I agree entirely in the sentiments of satis that there are higher apostles of peace than those who array class against class; that there are brighter prospects for this

faction with which the Mover and Seconder of this Address have received the announcement, officially made by fler Ma

jesty's Government, of the prosperous have been crowned with the success which internal condition of the country. It is in- has attended the career of those two most deed most gratifying to find that such are distinguished men; and I am sure that our internal resources, such the energy the country will appreciate their merits of the people, that we have in a compara- in their respective offices. Although tively short period of time recovered I cannot go so far as the hon. Seconder from that disturbance of our various in- of the Address, in saying that the last terests which took place a little more than embers of rebellion have been stamped twelve months ago. And not only is that out, because we are told, even in the consideration most gratifying as to the Speech from the Throne, that there are present, but it also inspires confidence in still in India enemies in the field, yet it the permanent prosperity and future good is evident that the rebellion is substanstate of the country. Upon that point, tially put an end to, and that what retherefore, I most cordially concur in the mains to be done will be chiefly the pursuit of Address which has been moved. The those fugitive bands who are more marauSpeech next adverts to that most impor- ders than enemies in the field. It is most tant subject-our interests connected with gratifying to know that Her Majesty's adIndia-a country, I may say in passing, visers will turn their attention to those subwhich the Speech first describes as a great jects which are essential to the permanent Empire, separate of course from the British tranquillity of that great part of the British Empire, and afterwards only as a part of Empire. There is great anxiety in this Her Majesty's dominions. I presume that country to know what are the views of Her the latter description is that which Her Majesty's Government as to the principles Majesty's Government would, upon due upon which India shall be governed. The reflection, abide by. It is most gratifying Speech next adverts to the state of our to find that the arrangements which were foreign relations, and undoubtedly that is begun by the late Government, and the one of the most anxious matters to which appointments which that Government re- the attention of the country can be turncommended to Her Majesty have been at- ed. Judging by what we are told, there tended by the success which is now record-seems to be a probability of a great Euroed in Her Majesty's Speech. It is im- pean war, beginning by a conflict in Italy possible to over-praise the valour of our between France and Sardinia on the one troops, or the skilfulness of our com- hand, and Austria on the other, the object manders, and it is peculiarly gratifying of which will be, I presume, the expulsion to think that this valour has been exhibit- of Austria from and out of Italy. Now, ed by every Englishman who has been there are many who think, and I undoubtengaged, whether civilian, or military, or edly am one of those, that it would be most naval, throughout the whole course of desirable, with a view not merely to the these transactions, and that all the com- interests of Italy, but to the interests of Ausmanders have shown great skill in the tria herself, that she should not possess conduct of the operations intrusted to her provinces south of the Alps. I do them. With regard to Lord Clyde, who has not believe that those possessions conhad the chief command, it is impossible to tribute to her real strength. I am sure that praise too highly, not merely his skill in they place her in a point of view which the management of his troops, but the makes her an object of hatred to many, discretion and prudence with which he has and involves a course of policy from which abstained from committing them to enter a wise Government would be desirous to prises which were beyond their strength abstain. But we must recollect how it is at the moment, and the care which he has that she is in possession of those provinces. taken of the lives and health of the troops She possesses those provinces by virtue of under his command; for it is as great a that general treaty of 1815, which is the quality in a general to care for the health title-deed of many other territories in Euand safety of his troops as it is to conduct rope possessed by other Powers. That them to victory in the hour of battle. Sir, treaty was the great settlement of Europe. it is most gratifying to those who were It might, perhaps, have been better if many Members of the late Government to find portions of that arrangement had not been that the appointment which they recom- inserted in the treaty, and as it now turns mended Her Majesty to make with respect out, it would have been better, I think, to the command of the forces in India, and if a different arrangement had been made the Governor Generalship of that country for Northern Italy. But we must, in order

to judge of that, carry our thoughts back arrangements will be made for the cessa
to the state of things at the time when
that treaty was made, and the reasons
which at the time led the parties con-
cerned to think that the existing arrange-
ment was the best. There were certain
claims on the part of Austria founded upon
ancient possession. There were other con-
siderations connected possibly with the
future defence of that portion of Italy.
At all events, right or wrong, that was an
arrangement in which all the great Powers
of Europe concurred, and they sanctioned
it by treaty; and I humbly submit that
no Power could justly violate that treaty
by attempting, without reason or cause,
to dispossess Austria of that which the
treaty gives her. Treaties are standing
obligations, which ought to be respected.
If once you begin on any theoretical pre-
ference to set aside the stipulations of a
treaty so solemnly agreed to, all the affairs
of Europe would be at sea, and it would
be impossible to tell the convulsions to
which such a principle would lead. The
beginning of a war is not a light thing.
It is easy to begin it; it is impossible to
say what will be its limits. War between
two such great Powers as Austria and
France may begin about the possession of
Lombardy, but where it might end-and
who would be the combatants ultimately in-
volved in the contest is beyond the sa
gacity of man to foretell. Those, there-
fore, who would encourage, or commence
such a war should duly weigh the respon-
sibility which attaches to public men. To
commence such a war would be to involve
Europe in calamities which it would be
difficult to describe, for an object which,
however in the abstract desirable, would
by no means justify the dangers of such
a course. But in saying this I must also
say, that although Austria stands upon the
firm ground of right with regard to those
provinces, which she holds by virtue of a
treaty to which all the Powers of Europe
are parties, she does not stand upon the
same ground of right when she goes beyond
the limits which that treaty assigns her; and
that the occupation of the other portions
of Italy not belonging to her is not jus-
tified by any treaty right which Austria
possesses. Austrian possession is one
thing, and Austrian occupation is another.
T should hope that, although there
be no war,-I trust there will be
I should hope that these sub-
aving been taken into consideration
different Governments of Europe,

tion of that exceptional state of things
which now exists by the occupation of the
Papal States by Austrian troops on the
one hand and by French troops on the
other. That is a state of things which
has continued long enough. It is a de-
parture from the ordinary state of things.
It is not a violation, undoubtedly, of any
treaty; but it is sanctioned by no treaty.
It is founded on a principle which we in
this country do not approve. It is said
as a justification, that if these troops in
occupation were withdrawn, revolution
would break out in the Roman and Nea-
politan States. But why, Sir, should such
a revolution break out? Only because the
people of those States are groaning be-
neath a system of government, oppressive
and tyrannical, which it is impossible for
the minds of men to bear patiently; and
when the pressure of occupation is re-
moved it is likely they will rise and re-
volt against the tyranny. But I would
suggest that there is a better remedy
for that state of things than foreign occupa-
tion. I would suggest a reform of those
abuses which have created the discontent;
let those Governments adopt the advice
given them so long ago as 1832, by the
five great Powers of Europe-let them
reform their system, let them put an end
to tyrannical abuses which oppress and ex-
asperate the people, and then there will be
no revolution-then the occupation might
cease, and the internal tranquillity of the
country would be no longer endangered.
But if those Governments will not put an
end to their abominable system of mal-
administration they must abide by the
consequences, and suffer from that revolu-
tion which they themselves have excited
and provoked. Therefore, Sir, I unite
with all men of reasonable minds in the
satisfaction which is expressed in the
Address, that the efforts of Her Majesty's
Government will be directed to the preserva-
tion of peace, and in deprecating that war
of which rumours have spread far and
wide, and I trust that those efforts will be
crowned with success, and that the sagacity
of rulers and the good sense of nations
will keep undisturbed the peace of Europe.
I am glad to hear that the arrangement of
those Provinces which of late have got a
new name-which we used to call the
Danubian Provinces, but which we are now
it seems, to call the Rouman Provinces-is
going on satisfactorily; and I hope that the
new name they have obtained will not give

rise to new ideas at variance with the interests to protect which was the object of their present organization. We are informed that a treaty of commerce has been concluded with Russia, which has re-established those friendly relations which had been disturbed by the late war. I heartily rejoice in that announcement. Our commercial relations with Russia are on an unsatisfactory foot ing; great improvements are needed with regard to our having access to the interior of the country, and I presume that this treaty will give us all the advantages which the French treaty gives to the subjects of France, and will remove those internal obstacles which preclude our subjects in Russia from extending their enterprise into the interior of the empire. We had differences with Russia on matters of great political importance, but I am persuaded the feelings of the people of this country will lead them to look with interest to a friendly intercourse with Russia the moment we are assured that those ambitious projects which prompted our resistance are laid aside, and that Russia is disposed to afford facilities of access to her interior, and to reciprocate with other nations of the earth the advantages of trade and commerce. The Speech then adverts to the China war. We are glad to find that our successors in office appreciate fully the great advantages which have arisen from the war with China, that those operations in China, which the Government might have said in this congratulatory paragraph were undertaken, in concert with our ally the Emperor of the French, by the advice of their predecessors, have resulted in the prospect of an extended intercourse with that country. It is never too late to welcome repentant sinners, and it is most gratifying to find that although the hon. Gentlemen opposite were not disposed to do justice to the motives and views of those by whom those operations were recommended, they are at least willing to accept credit for the fruits in which they have resulted. I have no doubt, with the hon. Gentleman who seconded the Address, that the result of those operations will be an extended intercourse with the great population of China and also with the empire of Japan. And allow me to say, in passing, that Her Majesty's late Government contemplated opening negotiations with Japan as well as with China; and that instructions were given by them to the Earl of Elgin, on which he acted in his negotiations with the Japanese. I concur with the hon.

Gentleman in thinking that the commercial intercourse, the prospect of which is now opened to us, will be productive of great advantages to the commercial and manufacturing interests of this country; but I also concur with him in warning the country against indulging in exaggerated expectations; because, as we found when the former treaty was made that we did not reap the advantages of it so rapidly as might have been expected, so also on the present occasion those who enter into this commercial intercourse should be cautious and not too hasty in their expectations of the results. Sir, I am most delighted to learn, not only from the Speech from the Throne, but also from what we have seen in the foreign papers, that that system of slave trade into which, under the name of free immigration, the French Government had incautiously been led, has been at last stopped from the east coast of Africa, and I most earnestly hope that it will be put an end to on the western coast also. It was the slave trade in its worst form. You may call it "free immigration" if you please, but men bought and sold are no more free when taken on board a vessel of the French house of M. Regis and Co., than they would be if exported in a Spanish or Portuguese slaver. The traffic was characterized by all the abominations of the old slave trade, and when those unhappy victims were landed in a French colony, their condition, though it was denominated free, was, in truth, anything but free; for, although slavery has been abolished in the French possessions, and the condition of those unfortunate persons is not so bad as it would have been in Cuba, still they are not free agents and are practically slaves. But the French Government were led into a mistake on this subject; they were deceived by interested men, and led to suppose, what is not the case, that the transaction in question was free from the taint of the slave trade. Their eyes, however, have been opened by the flagitious and iniquitous circumstances connected with the conduct of the Charles et Georges; and I shall be glad if those circumstances have convinced the French Government of the iniquity of the enterprise in which that vessel was engaged. The French Government must remember that in 1815 it made, in conjunction with the other Powers of Europe, the most solemn protest against the slave trade. They declared that the slave trade had been considered by just and enlight

ened men in all ages repugnant to the price, and their external relations are principles of humanity, and that they as unsettled as their internal condition. would endeavour to put an end to a prac- With regard to these Spanish American tice which had for so many years been States especially, I believe that if you are a scourge which had desolated Africa, to have any commerce with them, the degraded Europe, and afflicted hu- only course open from time to time is to manity. If the Government of a coun- employ force in order to obtain that justice try which was a party to that noble for British subjects which persuasion and declaration in 1815, should now, more diplomatic negotiations may fail to enforce. than forty years afterwards, and after Sir, we are informed that a large expenhaving abolished its slave trade and diture will be necessary to provide for the emancipated its slaves, fall back into reconstruction of the navy. It is unall the criminalities then denounced, it doubtedly true that the general employwould be the most afflicting spectacle of ment of steam as a propelling power for human degradation that the eyes of man ships of war has rendered comparatively ever witnessed, I cannot believe, there- useless many of those vessels of which our fore, that this practice will be persisted in, navy was formerly composed. I shall, and I hail with great satisfaction the inti- of course, wait to hear what the proposal mation in the Speech from the Throne of the Government on this subject may that negotiations are going on which will, it be; but I am sure the House and is hoped, put an end to this abominable trade, the public will feel that at all times, and not only on the eastern but also on the wes- more especially at the present moment, tern coast of Africa. I presume, with re- it is an object of vast importance to this gard to the transactions connected with the country to have a powerful and efficient case of the Charles et Georges to which I navy. We hear of great armaments elsehave alluded-transactions with which, I where, and though we have no reason to apprehend, the public are at present very think that these armaments are in the reimperfectly acquainted-Her Majesty's motest degree intended to be directed Government will, at the earliest period, against us, yet, at the same time, when lay papers on the table, in order that other nations arm it is essentially due to the House may know what has been the the security, the dignity, and the interests course pursued by Her Majesty's Govern- of this country that we should provide proment in reference to that matter. We per means of defence. We are informed know there are circumstances in which we that several new Bills are to be presented are bound by treaties of ancient date and to the House. Many of these Bills-I acknowledged force to render assistance may say most of them-relate to matters to Portugal should she be unjustly attacked. to which the late Government had given That is a consideration which may bear on their attention, and with regard to some of the transaction in question, and therefore them, measures had been in preparation. it is desirable to know in what manner Indeed, I think the Lord Chancellor of the Her Majesty's Government have acted in late Government had brought Bills into the matter. The Speech says the patience the House of Lords calculated to accomof Her Majesty's Government has been plish some of the objects now brought exhausted by the continued outrages in- under our notice. I am sure, Sir, the flicted by the two contending parties in House will give ample attention to the Mexico on British subjects. I believe the measures which Her Majesty's Government Government have acted wisely in that re- may introduce, especially in connection spect. The conduct of those Spanish with matters so important to the comAmerican Republics, from the one end to mercial interests of the country as the the other, has been a series of outrages on laws affecting bankruptcy and insolvency. all foreign residents. In Mexico especially We have been informed that in the course our fellow countrymen have had the of the Session a Bill is to be brought in to greatest cause for complaint. Though make indefeasible the title of every man what I say may not be acquiesced in by all to the estate which he possesses. I am sure the hon. Members of this House, yet the such an announcement will be received with truth is that the very nature of Repub- the greatest satisfaction by all owners of lican Governments renders it difficult for land, for they must be charmed to think that other nations to deal with them. They all doubtful titles will be made undoubted, are very much in the habit of obeying no and that henceforth they will have an inlaw but that dictated by passion and ca- defeasible title to their land whatever the

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