noble Earl must have equally warned them against touching upon any Eastern questions for fear they should put it into the head of any indiscreet Member of the House of Commons, or equally indiscreet Member of this House, to ask some ex planation of what we certainly did not understand at the time-a simultaneous reference to the Porte as to the massacre at Jeddah and the instruction to bombard that town. With regard to other questions connected with Europe, it is quite clear from the speeches of the noble Lords that they received full permission to speak upon any subject whatever, so that they did not touch upon France, Austria, Prussia, Sardinia, Germany, or Italy. The other Member of the Cabinet to whom reference was made was probably my noble. and gallant Friend opposite, the Lord Privy Seal; and I can fancy that, as nothing very important had happened in his department since the prorogation of Parliament, he recommended the noble Lord the Seconder of the Address, to address his speech to naval affairs, and advised both the Mover and Seconder of the Address to pour a broadside into Mr. Bright. With regard to the Colonies, their total omission from Her Majesty's Speech, is, to my mind, satisfactory to the views of the Government, because it is a recognition that the general state of our colonial possessions, produced by the qualities of the Anglo-Saxon race, and also in some degree, contributed to by that course of legislation which has lately been followed under different Governments, is satisfactory and ought not to be disturbed. The question of the Ionian Islands I do not now wish to discuss. If the noble Earl opposite, having failed to obtain the aid of that able and distinguished gentleman, Mr. Gladstone, as an associate in his Cabinet, has sought to obtain him as a subordinate by a colonial appointment, he has no doubt succeeded in that object, but I very much doubt whether the nomination of so important a person, and the language of the despatch announcing his mission, is likely to remove the difficulties connected with that question. I now come to a very grave portion of the Speech from the Throne. For a considerable number of years-ever since 1830-the relations between this country and France have, as a rule, been of a friendly character; the alliance has subsisted under different Governments, though occasionally interrupted for a time: circumstances of different kinds, Home Secretary thought that we had better avoid. The consequence of this was that I had to fill my short address with a topic of great interest at the timenamely, the prospect of happiness and glory during the reign which had just commenced a promise which has been most nobly fulfilled during what we may hope is only the small portion of the long and glorious reign of a Sovereign whose happiness has lately been crowned by the affectionate feelings displayed by all classes of this country upon the marriage of Her eldest daughter, and the happy event which has lately occurred in Her family; while the Seconder of the Address-a man of great ability, of much political knowledge, and not unaccustomed to public speaking, was so entirely impressed with the subjects which he was to avoid, that he entirely failed to make a speech satisfactory to himself. In the course of the debate which followed, however, we had the consolation of hearing different Ministers give most brilliant and satisfactory explanations upon subjects with which they were thoroughly acquainted, and which, with great prudence and judgment, they had hesitated to confide to young and inexperienced men. I cannot help thinking that the noble Earl and the noble Baron who have addressed us tonight have laboured under a similar difficulty. I am sure that it would have been a privilege for any of us to hear the hints on public speaking which the Prime Minister must have given to my noble Friends. I can conceive the feeling with which they were received by the Secretary of State for the Colonial Department, and the horror which he evinced at any notion of the Colonies being touched upon in their addresses: "We do not introduce the Colonies into the Queen's Speech, and if you refer to them that unfortunate affair of the Ionian Islands is sure to be brought on." I can picture to myself, also, the cold shiver which the noble Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs must have experienced when the noble Lords went to him for information. With regard to the United States I am sure that he said, "It is quite true that we made it a subject of very serious attack upon the late Government that they did not introduce the United States into the Queen's Speech; but still, considering the communications which I have had with Mr. Dallas, and which have partially appeared in the newspapers, I think you had better avoid that subject." The probably faults on both sides, and national pitation on the part of our Government in prejudices, have sometimes produced senti- supporting the stronger party to the quarments of irritation and hostility: but I be- rel, and urging the weaker one to make lieve that at the bottom there is in the concession. I come next to another very minds of both nations an extremely strong important topic, which must now be enfeeling, that their alliance is of great im-gaging the attention of Her Majesty's portance to both countries, and also to the Government-namely, the rumours afloat welfare and prosperity of Europe. This and opinions entertained in some quarters, alliance is accompanied by conditions. It both here and on the Continent, that we is clear that neither of two great countries are on the eve of a great European war, like these can pretend to be the leader, of which no man can possibly foresee the and to make the other its follower; and it end, arising out of what is called the Italian is equally clear that, to preserve the al- question. I do not attempt, because I feel liance, neither must follow any selfish ob- unable, to throw any light on that absorbject incompatible with the interests or the ing subject. No doubt there is much that honour of the other. If these conditions is to be deeply deplored in the state of the are faithfully fulfilled, I believe that the Italian peninsula. Your Lordships are all alliance between England and France will aware of the kind of Government that exists rest on a firm foundation. Nothing, my in Naples. But with regard to that kingdom Lords, could be further from my wish than the case presents no complication, because to re-open the question as to who was it depends solely on a change of opinion in right and who was wrong on the subject the ruler, who may yet call to his councils which led to the resignation of the late some wise and influential Minister, or may, Government. As to the mere historical in the natural course of events, be succeedfact, there can be no doubt that there ed by his son, when it is quite possible that was inconsistency on this matter on the that which is now a bad Government may part of those who now hold the reins of be converted into a good one. With repower. The late Government's defeat had spect to Central Italy the question is widely been ascribed partly to its having intro- different. I have lately come from the duced the Conspiracy to Murder Bill, and capital of the Papal States, and shall cerpartly to its not having answered a de- tainly not make an unhandsome return spatch from a French Minister. Now, for the hospitality I enjoyed in common. that Bill was warmly defended by our pre- with my countrymen by abusing what I sent Prime Minister, and also by some of saw there; still, it would be the idlest his colleagues; and as to the despatch affectation to deny that the condition of which was alleged to have been left un- that country is one which must cause answered, the gravamen of the charge great grief to all who desire the welfare was that it contained an insult to the of its people. The system of government British people, and it so happened that in existing there-the only one of its kind their very first official communication the left in Europe-is such as to render the new Government of this country distinctly work of reform most difficult, and, without exonerated the French Government from entering into details as to the defects an intention to offer the English nation which prevail-the existence of antiquated any such insult; his inconsistency must laws, the mode of administering them, have made it difficult for the Secretary of or the obstacles in the way of anything State for Foreign Affairs to maintain that having for its object the material progress tone, firm and frank, but devoid of offence, or the intellectual development of the which is absolutely necessary to main-nation-it is undoubtedly the fact that the tain the alliance. As to a recent casenamely, the Charles et Georges-although, until the papers are produced, it would be premature to pronounce an opinion, either as to the conduct of the French Government or of Her Majesty's Ministers, yet, without further explanation, it certainly does appear as if, unmindful of the treaties which bound us to Portugal, unmindful of the interest we have long taken as a nation in the question upon which the whole dispute turned, there has been some preci entire lay population of the Papal dominions are, almost to a man, hostile to the government under which they now live. I am perfectly aware that bad government is a state of things which will be found, more or less, to prevail in other countries; that other countries are badly governed, and that the people are more or less dissatisfied with the governments under which they live; but there is one very important circumstance which puts the Papal States in a different category from any other State some in Europe. They are occupied,-not tem- various, so their means of accomplishing porarily occupied, not occupied for a month them. are equally diverse. Some are or a year, but occupied as it would seem for perpetual agitation, or diplomatic almost without prospect of cessation by the intervention, some for war, and armies of two of the most powerful nations even for the execrable crime of assassinof Europe. It is true that where the ation. No doubt the deep-seated feeling sovereign of a country agrees to such an is a detestation of the foreigner; and we occupation there may be in it nothing, must not deceive ourselves by believing strictly speaking, which is contrary to that this hatred is directed exclusively international law; but it is clearly opposed against the Austrians, though they now to the balance of power in Europe, and happen to be its most prominent objects. offers a legitimate occasion, not, it may be, Depend upon it the rival of Austria in Italy, for any such extremity as war, but for the France, was certainly as unpopular at the friendly interference of diplomacy both with time of its armed occupation of that counregard to the general security of Europe try, and would speedily become again as and the well understood interests of the unpopular as Austria if it stood in the same particular countries more immediately con- position. It is vain to deny that in Italy cerned. Passing over some other smaller there are at this moment Italians utterly and unimportant States, I come to the unmindful of the lessons of history, and Lombardo-Venetian provinces of Austria. who believe it possible by the aid of one My Lords, it is not my desire or inten- race of foreigners against another effectution to become the apologist of the ally to get rid of foreign domination altoAustrian Government. I believe it weighs gether. With regard to Sardinia, I beheavily on the minds of the people of lieve every one of your Lordships feels adthose provinces; the pressure of their miration and respect for the gallant manner taxation is severe, the degree of liberty in which that country has, under circumthey enjoy is certainly not great, and the stances of great difficulty, established a rigours of the conscription to which they government of a very liberal character. are exposed are oppressive. But these The greatest sympathy is felt in this counare evils common to the majority of the try for the efforts which she has made to continental nations. Some of the evils establish and extend liberal institutions, complained of by the intelligent Lombards and the greatest respect is entertained not living in towns and subject to Austrian rule only for the King but for the ability of her are-I will not say sentimental, because Prime Minister and if she steadily purthat phrase might imply a sneer against sues the same course, will no doubt secure feelings which are creditable enough in for her an increasing influence throughout themselves but hardly of a very prac- Italy. But it appears, that partly from tical nature. Their internal government motives of sympathy with the Italian cause, is certainly better cared for than that of and partly—it is vain to deny it—from an any part of Southern Italy. But it is ambition for territorial aggrandisement. not for us to discuss whether Lombardy Sardinia is now arming herself far beyond might or might not be better or worse go- her resources, and language is held by her verned, or whether the people of those pro- which leads to a well founded apprehension vinces should be admitted to liberty in a that she is about to engage in war. Now, greater or less degree. What we have to that Sardinia would engage in a war consider is that these provinces belong to with Austria without an assurance of the Austria under treaties which, whether good co-operation of some more powerful State is or bad in their origin-and certainly they not likely, and the rumour is that France must at first have been deemed beneficial will support her in her attempt. As far as I -have by long continuance become a por- can trace the source of that rumour, it is tion of the public law of Europe. Remem- first of all to be found in the attitude of ber, my Lords, in looking at this Italian Sardinia, the great armaments which are question, that there is not that agreement taking place in France, and the words among Italians which some persons sup- which were used by the Emperor of the pose. I believe that nearly all parties have French to the Ambassador of Austria— now given up the hope of having one united words which, however, might, even if they Italy. Some are for an Italian empire, were correctly reported, mean everyand a despotic government, some for a con- thing or might mean nothing at all. Now stitutional, and some for a republican form | independently of the effect these warlike of government. And as their objects are rumours have had on the public mind of Europe, I do not think we are, on other | present state of affairs. Such assurances grounds, requiring too much of Her Ma- must have the greatest weight and imjesty's Government if we ask it for some portance, coming from a Sovereign who has explanation on this subject. The words of hitherto been a faithful ally of this counHer Majesty's Speech in the paragraph try, and who, from personal motives, and relating to the assurances received from all on the ground of self-interest, must have foreign Powers, and the maintenance of strong reasons for desiring to maintain public treaties, are perfectly unobjection- that alliance. Whether Her Majesty's able-perfectly suited to the occasion; Government do or do not think themselves they are words of general import, to which justified in expressing an opinion on the nothing can be objected. But with regard future course of events, I think we have a to Her Majesty's Government the case is right to demand of them some clear statesomewhat different. For the sake of this ment of their policy in this instance. country and for the sake of Europe, which If they can say that during the course of is awaiting with great interest what occurs these events they have spoken equally to in the Parliament of England this evening, Austria, to Sardinia, and to France, in the Government may fairly be asked to the firm, candid, and friendly manner in declare what is the posture of affairs, and which they were entitled to speak, avoidwhat is the line of policy they have adopt-ing any unnecessary or irritating menace ed, or what they intend to adopt, with regard to the circumstances that have produced these rumours? I trust that we shall receive a clear intimation of the views of the Government in this matter. Of some of the possible motives that might influence the Emperor of the French to engage in a war at this time it is, of course, quite as easy for us on this side of the House to form a judgment as the Members of Her Majesty's Government. Those motives might be personal, dynastic, or national; of these we can form some conclusion. But there are some points of great importance of which we must necessarily be ignorant. I cannot think but Her Majesty's Government must be in possession of more information as to the probabilities of war, and particularly of the preparations for war, than what mere rumour can convey to us. There is a great difference between carrying out improvements in the army and navy and those extraordinary military preparations which are said to be going on in France. This would form a most important element in the formation of any opinion on the subject, and I trust the Government will afford some information on that point. On a momentous question like this it is most important, notwithstanding the general paragraph of Her Majesty's Speech, to know what assurances have been received by the Government from the different Foreign Powers. If no precise assurances have been received, there is, of course, only one inference to be drawn; if assurances have been given that there is no intention of war, it would be satisfactory to know it; it would be most important and material to the judgment to be formed as to the on the one hand, but on the other declaring their steady conviction that the maintenance of existing treaties is necessary to the peace and tranquillity of the future; and if, in addition, they are able to say that they have entered into no engagements whatever, binding this country to take any course, at any time, or under any circumstances, other than the honour of England and the welfare of Europe may demand,-in that case, I am sure that Her Majesty's Government will receive the hearty support of the people, a support that will enable them to speak with greater force and influence in any difficult circumstances that may hereafter arise. There are other points connected with foreign affairs to which I need not allude at any length. We are told that the articles of the Treaty of Paris relating to the organization of the Principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia have been carried into execution in a satisfactory manner. It is also satisfactory to receive the assurance that a treaty of commerce has been concluded with Russia which is likely to extend the field of British industry and enterprise, though I cannot say I have any great confidence in a treaty of commerce negotiated by my noble Friend (the Earl of Malmesbury), if he engaged in the negotiation on the same principles on the subject as he has advocated, even during the recess, in his letter to the shipowners. As to the paragraph of Her Majesty's Speech addressed to the Gentlemen of the House of Commons, I do not doubt they will be ready to provide for the expenditure that may be required for the improvement of the navy. That indeed is a matter more peculiarly belonging to the other House of Parlia ment; but so far as your Lordships' House | is not only an important but a most satisis concerned, they will be ready to sup- factory statement. I have now only to port any measures which shall combine repeat that I do not intend to offer any efficiency with economy. It is satisfactory opposition to the Address, and to beg to hear that Her Majesty's Government pardon for having detained your Lordships have taken this course at once, because so long. this paragraph of the Speech indicates a change of the opinion held by the Government last year, when they thought it right to diminish the Naval Estimates of their predecessors, and were obliged, subsequently, to come to the House and ask for an increase, not however equalling the proposal made by Her Majesty's late Government. As to home affairs, there is an important paragraph in Her Majesty's Speech relating to law reform: this paragraph is apt to be longer in the opening than in the closing Speech from the Throne, and the fault does not mainly rest with this House. I hope the noble Earl (the Earl of Derby) will take the opportunity, in the discussions of these reforms, to distribute the business of the House of Lords over the whole Session, so as to obviate the complaints of hurry and haste which arrive at the close of every Session. I think there are some omissions from the paragraph, as I see no announcement of any measure on the question of church rates: I hope that subject will not be lost sight of. There is, however, one very important passage, in which we are told, Your attention will be called to the state of the laws which regulate the representation of the people in Parliament." This does not define clearly in what manner the subject is to be brought before us, as the passage might denote either that a Committee of Inquiry might be appointed, or that a measure would be brought in; but as he read the words, they imply that the Government have a measure prepared which they will introduce themselves. All I can say with regard to this subject is, that if the Government bring in a Bill which is calculated to settle fairly this great question to give a due representation to the people, and one which is likely to be for their advantage-the Government would not meet with any party or factious opposition on my part, and the measure will be considered with that degree of attention which Her Majesty recommends us to give to so important a subject. With regard to the statement as to the internal state of the country, that there is nothing to excite disquietude or alarm, and much to call for gratitude and thankfulness, I concur in thinking that it VOL. CLII. [THIRD SERIES.] THE EARL OF DERBY: My Lords, before I reply to the very able and temperate speech which your Lordships have just heard, I trust that the noble Earl opposite (Earl Granville) will pardon me if I' pause for a single moment to express my warm acknowledgments to my two noble Friends who have severally moved and seconded the Address in reply to Her Majesty's gracious Speech,-to my noble Friend who moved the Address with singular ability and singular clearness, and whom I trust we shall often hear upon future occasions in this House, of which he has so recently become a Member. I must also express my gratitude to my noble Friend the Seconder of the Address, not indeed so new to this House as the noble Mover, but who, in the kindest and handsomest manner, upon the shortest notice, has taken the place of another noble Lord who had promised to undertake the task, but who has been prevented from doing so by domestic illness. It is at all times satisfactory to find that the language which Her Majesty has been advised to use in addressing Parliament is of such a character as to lead to no division of opinion in the House, and that it contains nothing which could prevent the loyal acknowledgments contained in the Address from being accompanied by a feeling of entire unanimity. But, my Lords, upon the present occasion I must confess I feel more than ordinary gratification at the manner in which the Address in reply to Her Majesty's gracious Speech has been dealt with by the noble Earl opposite and by the House; because I think, so far as opinion has been expressed by the course taken by my noble Friend, and by the language of his able and lucid speech, there is something more than a mere expression of unanimity, which under certain circumstances may be a mere form; but I imagine there is a general substantial agreement in opinion upon all the more material topics treated of in Her Majesty's Speech. My Lords, there never was a time at which I am quite certain it was of deeper and more vital interest to the wellbeing and the peace of Europe, as well as to the happiness of this country, that there should be a well marked and intelligible accordance of opinion between с |