their late Interruption, have long subsisted, to | Set of Statutes, in a classified Form, and with such the mutual Advantage of the Dominions of Your Majesty and those of His Imperial Majesty. "We rejoice to learn that the Measures which, in concert with Your Majesty's Ally The Emperor of the French, Your Majesty thought it necessary to take upon the Coast of China, have resulted in a Treaty, by which further Effusion of Blood has been prevented, and which holds out the Prospect of greatly increased Intercourse with that extensive and densely peopled Empire.

Her Majesty's Speech. 18 fairs. They could not but feel, when great | Now, in all these statements he perfectly and powerful nations stood bristling in concurred. He agreed that there was arms in an attitude of mutual defiance, that, though they hoped that the risk of general war might be averted by wise and kindly counsels, yet any hasty expressions on the part of politicians and leading statesmen in this country might be productive of the most serious consequences to the peace of the world. He would, therefore, express the most earnest hope that for the moment the struggles of party might be allayed, and that that confidence would be placed in the Executive Government which would enable them to prepare such measures as they might in their judgment deem necessary for the safety of the country, and to maintain the high position it held in the community of nations. Under circumstances such as the present, when the very character of liberal institutions and the cause of rational freedom were at stake, if the Parliament of this country exhibited an attitude of calmness, firmness and forbearance, the cause of free institutions would be recommended and promoted; but if, on the other hand, anything like the voice of faction should be heard in their delibera tions, then an argument would be furnished to the enemies of constitutional freedom, which would eagerly be seized on, in favour of the doctrine that a more centralized authority and the iron hand of despotic power were, after all, the most beneficial mode of government. On this account he ventured to express a hope that due credit would be given to Her Majesty's Government for the views and intentions they had enunciated in the Speech from the Throne, and that the measures they recommended to Parliament would receive the fairest and most dispassionate con sideration at their Lordships' hands.

In following his noble Friend it would be his endeavour not to weary their Lordships by going over the same ground, or repeating the arguments of his noble Friend; but there were one or two points relating to the present condition of the country that his noble Friend had not adverted to, and to which he (Lord Ravensworth) might perhaps be permitted briefly to allude. In Her most gracious Speech from the Throne Her Majesty said,

I am happy to think that, in the internal state of the country there is nothing to excite disquietude, and much to call for satisfaction and thankfulness. Pauperism and crime have considerably diminished during the past year; and a spirit of general contentment prevails."

much in the circumstances of the country that called for satisfaction and thankfulness. He was compelled to state, however, that one at least of the great industrial interests of the country was not in so satisfactory a state as was no doubt desirable. His connection with seaports, both in the north and in other parts of England, had induced him to view with considerable anxiety, not unmixed with apprehension, the statements which had lately been put forth by the great body of the shipowners of this country with regard to the distress and repression which was now felt by the shipping interest. Much might be said to account for it, and to mitigate the anxiety which such statements were calculated to cause. For instance, it might be said that we had only just emerged from a war during which the demand for ships was unprecedentedly extensive, and that the existing state of things was simply the reaction which naturally followed upon a period of such activity. That, however, was not sufficient, in his judgment, to account for all the grievances of which the shipowners complained. They and he believed, and he had always believed, that the repeal of the Navigation Laws was undertaken and carried out with too great precipitation and without sufficient calculation as to the results. And now, seeing that Her Majesty's Government were of opinion that the navy was not in that state of efficiency which would enable it to meet the demands and requirements of the country in certain contingencies, and were prepared to recommend an increase in the number and power of steam ships, then the question arose how far we might be able to obtain, as heretofore, a regular supply of seamen to man the fleet. In former days the character of a British ship was marked by the nationality of het crew. It was necessary, he believed, thaf three-fourths of them should consist o British seamen, and that a proportion of youths should also be employed as apprentices. He did not exactly know how the law stood at present in reference to this subject; but this he knew, that of late a not inconsiderable amount of foreign seamen had been imported into the English merchant service, and that an immense number of British seamen were employed in the service of foreign Powers, and espe

sent condition of our Indian empire. No man could make any objection to the paragraph in the Speech from the Throne which referred to that subject, or to the Proclamation which the Government had issued for the pacification of India―a Proclamation which he had reason to believe, wherever it had been received, had met with universal approbation. He believed that strenuous efforts had been made in India to prevent, as far as possible, the dissemination of that important document, but he trusted that it would, nevertheless, ultimately be productive of all the benefits which had been expected from it. He could not refrain from expressing his admiration of the heroism which had been displayed by the troops employed in the suppression of the Indian revolt.

He could speak on

cially in that of the United States. He was not aware what powers Her Majesty's Government had in the case of war breaking out of recalling the latter to this country; but he felt assured that the feeling of the British shipowners were strongly in favour of some revision of the existing law, and he believed he might also venture to say that the subject would, at no distant date, be brought forward in the other House of Parliament. He felt that he should have been wanting in his duty to those who had formerly trusted him as their representative were he to refrain from presenting the matter at this the first, opportunity to their Lordships' notice, and expressing the hope that, if a Motion were proposed in the other House of Parliament for the appointment of a Committee of inquiry into the subject, at least no opposition to such an inquiry would be given by this subject with the more certainty beHer Majesty's Government. On referring cause he had a younger son serving to other portions of the Speech from the Her Majesty in India as a soldier; and Throne, he admitted he found some crumbs from the account he had received from of comfort-indeed, some substantial com- him, as well as from other quarters, he fort for British shipping in the com. knew the incredible difficulties which our mercial treaties which had just been con- troops had had to sustain, and with what cluded with China and Japan. These wonderful cheerfulness and courage they treaties would open new fields for enter- had borne their hardships. When their prise, and fresh channels for our com- Lordships considered the harassing nature merce; and he trusted that the announce of the duties which our soldiers had had to ment would give some consolation to the perform-the unremitting pursuit of rebels suffering shipping interest, and that ere who appeared in one place only to disappear long we might see a revival of the carrying before they could be reached, the midnight trade and a demand for our shipping which marches through swamps and jungles, to at present did not exist. But he could not find the enemy at the end of these fatigues pass from the consideration of these trea- disappearing in an inaccessible jungle, and, ties without adding his humble tribute of above all, the terrible effects of the sun, applause and admiration to the ability and which in one instant laid prostrate the wisdom displayed by that most able of ne- strongest and most vigorous constitutions gotiators, and skilful of diplomatic agents, it would be impossible for them to value the Earl of Elgin. From the very com- too highly or to give too much encouragemencement of his career in the East, Lord ment, by the expression of their adiraElgin had shown himself equal to cope tion, to the men engaged in so difficult and with all the difficulties of his situation. dreadful a warfare. It was a consolation Nothing could have been more admirable to him to be able to state that, in spite of than his conduct when at the very outset all the difficulties and dangers which they he found himself suddenly placed in a posi- had had to encounter, the general health tion of embarrassment by the diversion of our troops in India was at least as good of the armament intended for China, to as, if not better, than it had been often the assistance of the Government of India. known to be in a state of profound tranNothing could be more determined and de- quillity. Let their Lordships, then, hope cided than his conduct on that occasion; that the expectations of Her Majesty and ever since, by his activity and his skill might be realized to the full, and that beas a negotiator, and by the able manner in fore any long time elapsed Her Majesty which he had opened up new channels of might be able to announce to Parliament enterprise, he had shown that he deserved the entire pacification of her great empire the thanks of a grateful country. He in India. would now offer a few words upon the pre

Upon that paragraph in the Speech from

the Throne which referred to the Republic | party gave their adherence to it, and were of Mexico, he would not trouble the House with many observations. Their Lordships might have read in The Times of that morning how it was hardly possible for the English people to realize the present state of Mexico. Bloodshed was carried on there in a wholesale way that was really awful, and he was sure the Government had exercised a wise discretion in instructing their agents and commanders to demand reparation for the injuries inflicted upon British subjects in that quarter.

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pains taken to get up a popular agitation | other House of Parliament, and he would in favour of his scheme, it was unquestion- only repeat the hope to which he had alable that throughout the country generally ready given expression, that, when the there was no sympathy with him in the measure of Her Majesty's Government task he had undertaken. He believed that was submitted to Parliament, it would be if the nation were polled upon this measure found to be a wise, a considerate, a safe, it would not receive any great proportion and a salutary measure, and one differing of support. One statement of its author as widely as possible from that of which alone was enough to excite the disapproba- the hon. Member for Birmingham was the tion of the country-namely, his laying it author. He would detain their Lordships down as a principle, that their Lordships no longer; he thanked them for the kindwere really and truly the representatives ness and indulgence with which they had of the landed interest only, and that there- received his remarks, and begged leave to fore the other House of Parliament ought second the Address which had been moved to be made to represent merely the masses by his noble Friend. and the commercial interest. Independently of the falsity of the statement of fact involved in this proposition, the hon. Member could not, had he wished to introduce confusion into all our councils, have devised any scheme more calculated to set class against class than the promulgation of such a notion as this. The theory of the constitution was, that the two Houses of Parliament should work in harmony together; and to lay down as a principle of fature legislation a doctrine so extravagant as that one interest should be represented in the House of Lords, and another in the House of Commons, was merely to do that which would bring confusion into all our councils, and set up a perpetual antagonism between the two Houses, which must necessarily result in some such end as this,that the House of Commons would continually pass measures which could not be assented to by their Lordships, and at length, angry at the continued disagreement, would arrogate to itself the power of governing the country without the consent of the Upper House; and that their Lordships' House and their Lordships' ancient privileges and place in the constitution would then be overridden and trampled upon by a dominant House of Commons, elected by an irresponsible constituency-he said an irresponsible constituency, because one of the provisions of this Bill was to establish a system of secret voting which would relieve the constituency from all responsibility except that which a man owed to his own conscience and his own honour-a very uncertain protection indeed against the innovations of democratic violence. Therefore, he held that nothing could be more mischievous in its provisions than this measure which had now been so ong before the country. But he had no fear that such a measure as this would be carried either in their Lordships', or in the

EARL GRANVILLE: My Lords, I entirely concur in the opinion expressed by the noble Earl who moved the Address, that the Speech from the Throne recommends to our consideration many important matters both at home and abroad; and the noble Lord who seconded the Address having impressed upon us the necessity of avoiding all factiousness and party spirit leads me to rejoice that the moderation of the tone and the prudence of the sentiments expressed in the Speech which Her Majesty has been advised to deliver are such as to render unnecessary any opposition to the Address in answer to it, at least on my part, and on the part of those with whom I act. It gave me great pleasure to hear the noble Earl the mover of the Address acquit himself with so much credit. I am not altogether ignorant of the difficulties encountered by those who have to move or second an Address. Some years ago I had the great honour of moving the adoption of the first Address presented by the House of Commons to Her Majesty after Her accession to the Throne. The Seconder of the Address and myself were kindly received by the Prime Minister of the day: he communicated to us the heads of the Speech which was about to be delivered, told us that he had no doubt we should admirably discharge our duty, and referred us to the heads of Departments for any further details which we might wish to obtain. We went to the different Departments, and were kindly received by their several heads; but, somehow or other, the head of the Colonial Office thought it would be better for us to adhere to foreign and home affairs; the Foreign Secretary thought that we had better confine ourselves to the affairs of the Home Office; while that was the only subject which the