use of poisons, you will find, according to "I have the statistics of Guy's Hospital for the last few years. From the return of 1837-8 it appears that the mortality occasioned by taking opium was 37 per cent., and by arsenic 35 per cent., making 72 per cent. for these two poisons; and the rest were made up of other poisons, such as tartar emetic, nux vomica and others, varying from 1 to 1 per cent.; but I have given the principal, making 89 per cent. altogether-opium, arsenic, sulphuric acid, prussic acid, oxalic acid, corrosive sublimate, and mercurial preparations. poisons should be kept by chemists and to confine this measure to the latter purdruggists, distinct from other medicines poses. In referring to the amount of in which they deal. The objection taken deaths which occur from the inadvertent to that clause-and which I think was a sound one-was, that the business of a chemist and druggist could hardly go on if he was compelled to keep everything in the shape of a poison in a separate and distinct place; and that objection was so strongly urged that I thought it desirable at that late period of the Session not to go on with the Bill. But I do not think the same objection applies to a suggestion which was made in a Committee of the other House, and the difficulties of the case may, to a considerable extent, be met, with reference to certain poisons, by requiring the parties who sell them and the parties who keep them to have the boxes or vessels containing them labelled in a conspicuous manner with the word "Poison;" and, if those poisonous articles are sold, to label every wrapper or cover so that very nearly three-fourths of all the deaths in which they may be enclosed in a similar were caused by opium and arsenic; by sulphuric manner. All the evidence before the Com-acid, or oil of vitriol, 6 per cent.; prussic acid, 5 mittee went to show that such a regulation per cent.; oxalic acid, 3 per cent.; corrosive would have the effect of diminishing, if not sublimate, and mercurial preparations, 3 per cent.; of preventing altogether, the fearful acci-a dents which through mistakes frequently happen from poison. Such an arrangement as that is provided for in this Bill; but that alone will not, I am afraid, be quite satisfactory. I believe, in addition to that, you must impose certain penalties on the parties who break the law, and you must have persons whose business it will be to see that the law is observed. I have therefore given power to justices in session to order any constable to enter any shop where those poisonous articles are kept or sold, to see that the law is duly observed. I believe that will have a good effect in inducing chemists and druggists to keep their poisons in a more distinct and separate manner than they have hitherto done. I ought, also, to mention that a great im pression was made on the Committee of the House of Lords by the desirability of raising the standard of education and qualification among chemists and druggists; and I think anything that can tend to raise that standard would assist, with other precautions, in lessening the number of accidents from the causes in question. At the same time that would be a measure rather for improving the character of those who compound and dispense all drugs and medicines, rather than a measure which is intended for regulating the sale of poisonous articles. I am anxious That refers to the years 1837-8, and I will advert now to a period 20 years later. I find in the last report of the Registrar General that "Four-hundred and one persons died annually of poisoning, and in nearly 113 cases the poison is not specified. Opium is the principal specified died-namely, 89 by laudanum, 34 by opium, and poison; by that drug 125 persons are said to have 2 by morphia. Thirty-four persons were killed annually by prussic acid, including 15 by the essential oil of bitter almonds. Arsenic stands The salts of lead kill 23 persons annually, the salts of mercury kill 10, oxalic acid kills 13, sulphuric acid (oil of vitriol) kills 15 persons annually. The deaths from these poisons are understated, as the 113 deaths from unspecified poisons are chiefly not discovered, and the death is ascribed, errocaused by them, and in some cases the poisoning is neously, to disease. The deaths by poisons are murders, manslaughters, suicides, or accidents. They would be greatly diminished if solid opium, laudanum, prussic acid, essential oil of bitter almonds, arsenic, sugar of lead, corrosive sublimate, oil of vitriol, and oxalic acid were only retailed upon the production of a medical prescription. Quack medicines, overdoses, and improper medicines are stated to have caused 183 deaths in five next, and to it 27 annual deaths are referred, years." These statistics are sufficient to show the House that of the number of deaths which these requirements as well as with the trade of the chemist. I propose to get over the difficulty by providing that, where any poisonous article is required by a medical prescription, or where opium is asked for in small quantities, the stricter provisions of the Bill shall not apply. The subject is one of considerable difficulty, and I invite the serious attention of the House to it, in the hope of framing such a measure as will meet completely the end we have in view. The right hon. Gentleman concluded by moving for leave to introduce the Bill. Leave given. Bill to Regulate the Keeping and Sale of Poisons, ordered to be brought in by Mr. Secretary WALPOLE, Mr. HARDY, and Lord JOHN MANNERS. Bill presented, and read 1o. COLONIZATION AND SETTLEMENT (INDIA). SELECT COMMITTEE. MR. W. EWART said, he wished to move the re-appointment of the Select Committee "to inquire into the progress and pros occur from poison many arise from accident. But there is another point to which it is necessary to draw your attention. A common notion prevails that it is possible to diminish the number of deaths occasioned by poison, where the poison is given to others for the purpose of taking away life, or where it is taken by persons themselves with that view. But with regard to selfdestruction, I am convinced that you cannot, by any regulations, altogether prevent that form of the evil. It is a crime which people, if prevented in one way, will commit in another. With regard to murder by poison, there are provisions in my Bill which may assist in detecting the perpetrator; but I cannot hold out any hope that it will have a material effect in stopping that crime. If you refer to the Registrar General's returns, you will find that eight-tenths of the cases of self-destruction are by the halter, drowning, or the knife-and there are only twotenths which can be referred to poisons and other causes. Therefore, it would mislead the House if I held out any hope of being able greatly to diminish the number of suicides by the provisions of this Bill. And as to murders, it may occasionally facili-pects, and the best means to be adopted tate detection and promote evidence, but I do not pretend it will do more. Its chief object is to regulate the keeping and sale of poisons, so as to prevent the deaths which occur by accidental poisoning. The other question which I have to submit to the House is, what things should be in cluded in the schedules of the Bill as poisons. In the Bill of the other House there were twenty-three articles in one schedule, and I do not know how many in the other. It was utterly impossible, with such schedules, that the business of a chemist could be carried on. Nor was there any necessity to include all these articles in them. According to the statements I have already made, it will be perceived that the cases of death by poison arise from the administration of a very few articles, and I have therefore cut the number down from twenty-three to thirteen; and 1 shall be very glad if any hon. Gentleman will point out to me how that number can be further reduced. The only article about which I entertain a difficulty is opium, because it is one of those things which are constantly asked for by the poorer classes of people in small quantities; and if you put a difficulty in the way of giving it in small quantities to persons who desire it, you may interfere inconveniently with for the promotion of European Colonization and Settlement in India; especially in the Hill Districts and healthier climates of that country; as well as for the extension of our Commerce with Central Asia." The hon. Member proposed that the Committee should consist of eighteen Members, whom he named, stating that among them were three new Members. MR. W. VANSITTART said, he must object to any increase in the numbers of the Committee. Two vacancies had occurred in the Committee since last Session by the appointment of the hon. Members for Guildford (Mr. Mangles) and Leominster (Mr. Willoughby) to the Indian Council; and the hon. Gentleman not only proposed to fill up these, but to appoint two additional members. He was sure every hon. Gentleman who had sat on the Committee must agree that the Committee was too numerous already. The noble Lord the Secretary of State for India might justly complain that as yet he had derived no benefit from the deliberations of the Committee; but if the same system of procedure were followed this Session as had obtained last year, he was afraid they would again separate without drawing up a Report. MR. CHEETHAM said, he wished to express his opinion that one of the hon. Mem bers for Manchester ought to be on the Committee. MR. W. EWART explained, that two of the new members were proposed in the place of two others who had retired in consequence of appointments in India. The third was Colonel Sykes, whose appointment was considered appropriate in consequence of the interest he represented. MR. WALPOLE said, it was certainly the custom when a Committee was reappointed to confine it as much as possible to those persons who had shared in its previous labours. By the regulations of the House fifteen was the usual limit to the number of a Select Committee; but the hon. Gentleman, without assigning any reason, proposed to increase the number of this Committee to eighteen. Perhaps the hon. Member had better postpone the nomination of the Committee for a day, to give an opportunity for its consideration. Mr. W. EWART said, he had no objection to accede to the proposition of the right hon. Gentleman. Motion agreed to. Select Committee appointed. House adjourned at half-past Seven o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS, SUPPLY.-RESOLUTION. Resolution, "That a Supply be granted to Her Majesty," reported, and agreed to, Nemine Contradicente. Committee appointed for Friday. House adjourned at a quarter after HOUSE OF LORD S, MINUTES]. First Sat in Parliament.-The Earl of Ripon-after the Death of his Father. PUBLIC BILLS.-1a Trading Companies Windingup; Coalwhippers. VOTE OF THANKS TO GOVERNOR GENE- THE LRD CHANCELLOR acquaint ed the House, That he had received a Letter from The Viscount Canning, Go Ma vernor General of the British Possessions in the East Indies, dated Allahabad, 30th June, 1858, inclosing a Letter from The Lord Harris, dated Government House, Madras, 19th June, 1858; also a Letter from The Viscount Canning, date Allahabad, 2nd July, 1858, inclosing a Letter from the Lord Elphinstone, dated theran, 16th June, 1858; also Two Letters from The Viscount Canning, dated Allahabad, 11th August, 1858, inclosing a Letter from Sir John Laird Muir Lawrence, G.C.B., dated Murree, 31st July, 1858, and also inclosing a Letter from General Sir Colin Campbell, G.C.B., and also a Letter from The Viscount Canning, dated Allahabad, 15th September, 1858, inclosing a Letter from Henry Bartle Edward Frere, Esquire; in return to the Thanks of this House and to the Resolutions of the 8th of February, 1858, communicated to them in obedience to Orders of this House of the said 8th of February: The said Letters, being read, were Ordered to lie on the Table, and to be entered on the Journals. PRINCIPALITIES OF MOLDAVIA AND WALLACHIA.-QUESTION. THE EARL OF ST. GERMANS said, with the permission of the House he wished to put a question to his noble Friend the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs concerning the Convention signed in Paris in August last, relative to the organization of the Principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia. He wished to ask his noble Friend whether the election of one person to the office of Hospodar of the two Principali. ties was not inconsistent with the letter as well as the spirit of that Convention? The third Article declared: "The public powers shall be confided in each Principality to a Hospodar and an elective Assembly, acting in the cases provided for in the present convention, with the concurrence of a Central Commission common to both Principali. ties." him. In such case the new Commander in Chief Now, it might be that the Jews, of whom shall be appointed by the other Hospodar." There were various other Articles, from which it was quite clear that it was intended by the framers of the Convention that there should be two Hospodars, one for each Principality. It was well known that there was a difference of opinion among the Powers parties to the Treaty of Paris in 1856, some of them desiring that the two Principalities should be united, others that they should be kept separate. The recent convention at Paris, he apprehended, was the result of a compromise agreed upon by all the Powers; and he trusted those Powers would enforce the bona fide fulfilment of the conditions on which they guaranteed the political existence of those newly constituted States, and would not permit them to alter by any subterfuge the relations in which the Principalities stood towards each other under the Convention. That Convention was signed not more than six months ago, and therefore could not be considered as either old or obsolete. It was not many days since Her Majesty informed Parliament, in the Speech from the Throne, that the Rouman Provinces, as the Principalities were now called, were proceeding to establish, under the Convention of August last, their new form of government but this statement had, it appeared to him, been falsified, by the Assembly of Wallachia electing the same person as Hospodar who had been already elected for Moldavia. He could not doubt that the Powers would take the measures requisite for carrying into effect the spirit of the Convention; but it would be satisfactory to the House to be made acquainted with the view which his noble Friend (the Earl of Malmesbury) took of the matter to which he had pointed his attention. He did not wish to enter into any discussion of the provisions of the Convention, or of their adaptation to the condition of the people of Moldavia and Wallachia, but he nevertheless wanted to ask the meaning of one of its Articles, the forty-sixth, which declared that— "All Moldavians and Wallachians shall be equal in the eye of the law, and with regard to taxation, and shall be equally admissible to public employments in both Principalities." It then proceeded to qualify that declaration, by stating that, “Moldavians and Wallachians of all Christian confessions shall equally enjoy political rights. The enjoyment of those rights may be extended to other religions by legislative arrangements." there was a large number in the Principalities, would be deprived of all political rights under that Article of the Convention. And this, notwithstanding the provision that these rights might be extended to other classes, by legislative enactment, for he apprehended the Jewish inhabitants there must be prepared to encounter a somewhat strenuous opposition, when they asked for a participation in political rights enjoyed by all the rest of the people in the country, inasmuch as the metropolitan was president, and the diocesan Bishops ex-officio members of the Elective Assembly in both Provinces. He could hardly suppose that his noble Friend, who not long ago joined in advising Her Majesty to assent to a Bill enabling Her Majesty's Jewish subjects to sit in Parliament, had recommended Her Plenipotentiary to agree to a clause in the Convention which went to exclude the Jewish inhabitants of Moldavia and Wallachia from the enjoyment of political rights in those Principalities. He hoped his noble Friend would give some explanation of the meaning of that clause, and be able to say that there had been no intentional violation in it of the principle of religious liberty. THE EARL OF MALMESBURY said, that a few nights ago his noble Friend crossed the House, and had with great politeness informed him that it was his wish, unless it should be attended with inconvenience to the public service, to put a question to him (the Earl of Malmesbury) with respect to the Convention signed at Paris in the month of August last, in reference to the future government of the Danubian Principalities-whether it was not inconsistent with the spirit and letter of that Convention that one person should be elected Hospodar of the two Provinces of Moldavia and Wallachia? He, in reply, told his noble Friend, and, as he hoped, with equal politeness, that it would be inconvenient for the public service that he should answer the question; and he was somewhat surprised to find that his noble Friend, after having received that answer, should still persevere in putting his question in the presence of their Lordships, inasmuch as he had naturally supposed that he would not put it after he had learnt that it would not conduce to it should, under present circumstances, the promotion of the public interest that receive an answer. He was sorry to have again to inform his noble Friend that it would not be convenient for the public | to explain that, if those alterations in the service that he should give any opinion law to which he asked their Lordships' with respect to that particular clause of assent received the sanction of both Houses the Convention which related to the election of Hospodars for the Principalities. Looking at the events which had taken place, it was more than probable-he might even say that it was nearly certain -that the Conference would again as semble, or, at all events, that the Powers who had signed the Convention would have to consult together again and to determine the meaning of that and some other of its clauses. Under these circumstances, he was sure his noble Friend would see that it would not be desirable for him (the Earl of Malmesbury) to anticipate, by any specific declaration of opinion in their Lordships' House, the discussion which would probably take place elsewhere. The same observation would apply to the question his noble Friend had put to him with respect to the eligibility of Jews to political offices in these Provinces. TRADING COMPANIES WINDING-UP BILL. BILL PRESENTED. FIRST READING. THE LORD CHANCELLOR presented a Bill for the Incorporation, Regulation, and Winding-up of Trade Companies and other Associations. It would not be necessary on the present occasion that he should trespass at any great length upon the time of the House, because it would be found that his statement would be chiefly historical and referred mainly to a consolidation, with very few alterations and amendments indeed, of all the existing laws upon the subject. On the introduction of the Bankruptcy Bill the other evening his noble and learned Friend the Lord Chief Justice complained very much that he did not propose to consolidate, as well as to alter and amend the law on the subject. Now, he might perhaps explain that there was a very material difference between the present Bill and that which he submitted for the amendment of the Bankruptcy law. The latter measure had for its object a complete alteration of the system as contained in the Bankruptcy law of 1849, and in introducing it he ventured to say, and still was of opinion that, when you were making a very great alteration in the law, it was not desirable, until you knew whether the amendment you proposed would be accepted by Parliament, to consider the system as complete, and to propose consolidation. But he had intended of Parliament during the present Session, he hoped that he might then be able, before the termination of the Session, to introduce a Bill for the consolidation of the whole of the Bankruptcy law, and he did not despair of yet accomplishing that object. With regard to the present measure, their Lord. ships would find that the alterations which were proposed in the state of the present law were all of minor importance and related principally to details. He would now endeavour to explain to their Lordships how the law stood with regard to the regulation and winding-up of Joint-stock companies, so that the nature of the measure which he now proposed might be more perfectly understood. Until the year 1844 there was no Act of Parliament which regulated associations of large numbers of persons for trading purposes. Such associations were dealt with just as private partnerships, and hence great inconvenience. was found to result, when their affairs got into the Court of Chancery, from the necessity of summoning so many individual partners, and of introducing so many interests; which rendered it very difficult to deal with these companies. In 1844, therefore, was pass.. ed an Act for the incorporation and regu lation of joint-stock companies, by which, under certain restrictions, parties were enabled to associate, to register that associa tion, and thereupon to sue and be sued through a public officer. In the same year an Act was passed to facilitate the winding up of joint-stock companies unable to meet their engagements. This was accomplished through the medium of the Court of Bankruptcy, and the Act might be called the creditors' Winding-up Act. In 1848 was passed another Act, which might be distinguished from that just mentioned as the shareholders' Winding-up Act. Under that Act any shareholder might petition the Court of Chancery for an order to wind up the company, and then followed various provisions, an official manager being appointed, all the shareholders being made contributaries, and calls being made upon them, until all the debts of the company were as far as possible satisfied. The creditors, however, were no parties at all to this winding up under the Act of 1848. If bankruptcy had intervened before the petition for winding up was presented, there could then be no petition of this |