Abbildungen der Seite
PDF
EPUB

tablished in the country, but which were | distinction between the rural and the town not passed for some centuries afterwards. parishes; but I say that the town parishes In the very next sentence, however, I at this moment have no grievance to comthink my hon. and learned Friend answered plain of, for by a majority they have suchimself; because he observed-what was ceeded in their refusal to pay those rates. perfectly true that at the time, when this In the country, however, where the impost impost was first levied, the people of this is willingly paid and the property is mostly country were all of one mind in matter of in the hands of Churchmen, and I contend religion, and they bore a common burden in it is wrong to declare by enactment that the consideration of a common benefit. Now, people there shall not have an opportunity does not that go to the very gist of the of making that a permanent charge for question and of the great principle involved the benefit of the poor without occasioning in it? It is, no doubt, true that there was that strife and agitation which may prevail at that time in this country one uniform in attempting to enforce it. Then comes religion, and that our ancestors imposed the question as it regards the Dissenters; this charge on themselves in respect of the and here I find that I am met with a cross property which they had in the parish. fire. I am told that by exempting DissenThis tax upon persons in respect of pro- ters I am giving up the principle of an perty was established in order that the poor Establishment, and I am told that the Dismight have the benefits and ordinances of senters will not accept that kind of exreligion in every hamlet and parish through. emption. Sir, the principle of an Estab out the kingdom. Well, that was the prin- lishment I take to be this-that the beneciple upon which church rates were im- factions of those who have gone before posed, and its importance is recognized by you, aided by the State, shall be dedithe Bill before the House when it exempts cated to the support of one religion for the Dissenters from the payment of the rate. whole country. Those benefactions were It keeps the charge on those who have given for the purpose of enabling every the benefit; and enables those to exempt town and hamlet throughout the kingdom themselves when that benefit is no longer to supply the blessings of religion to the enjoyed. I maintain, therefore, that no va- poor without any charge being placed upon lid reason has yet been urged why the two them. But by exempting Dissenters from principles contained in the Bill should not the payment of these rates in particular inreceive the assent of the House. The right stances can it be said that you deprive the hon. Member for Kidderminster (Mr. Lowe) poor of what they have a right to receive has really raised the only objection I have heard urged against the measure that is anything like a substantial one. The right hon. Gentleman says, instead of putting an end to war and strife on this subject, that in-since, unfortunately, we are not of one his opinion the Bill before us would tend to mind in regard to religion-we propose to increase it. Now, I take issue with him upon remedy the only practical grievance which that objection. The Bill does not encourage exists in connection with the church rate the imposition of a rate in any place where-namely, that a certain portion of the a majority had already determined that no rate should be levied; nor does it propose to excite agitation in any parish where the law was now obeyed. It simply provides that, instead of the assessment which our ancestors for behoof of the Church imposed upon themselves in respect of their property, there should now be substituted a voluntary payment, while it exempts altotogether those who entertain conscientious objections to the payment of the rate. How could strife be raised or increased in parishes by such a measure as that? Who, then, can properly say that the measure will occasion any strife in the country? I concur with the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Kidderminster that you must draw a

-the ordinances of religion without any charge upon themselves? Not a bit of it! but since the position of the Church when these rates were imposed no longer exists

community being obliged to contribute towards the sustentation of a Church from which, unlike their forefathers, who lived when the rate was first imposed, they derive no benefit-shall not—while they cease to enjoy the benefit be exposed to the burden. This measure was intended as a message of peace to the Dissenter. I regret, however, to find it is not received by the Nonconformists in that spirit. I regret it the more because non-acceptance of the measure gives rise to con tinued agitation on the subject. The object of the measure was to combine that principle with the endowment which has existed-to establish a spirit of conciliation and peace instead of war and discord. I

will only trouble the House with one or two observations more. I wish to advert to what has fallen from the hon. and learned Gentleman the Member for Aylesbury (Sir Richard Bethell). That hon. and learned Gentleman says that the case before us is the great principle of abolition or non-abolition. The hon. Baronet the Member for Tavistock (Sir John Trelawny) puts the question more gently. He says if you have the voluntary principle at all why not introduce it without this new machinery by which you seek to encumber it ? Why not abolish church rates at once, and trust altogether to the voluntary principle? I think, Sir, I have shown that I have no distrust of the voluntary principle by introducing the present measure. I have shown what Churchmen have done for their Church-how by their exertions they have extended the benefits of religion throughout the length and breadth of the land. But when I have got the endowment principle in aid of the voluntary principle, I will never give up the advantages of the one because I can have the assistance of the other. The endowment principle is not to be flung away so easily. Fling it away in the case of church rates, and how can you retain it in other cases also? Are we to give up what were intended for charitable and benevolent purposes merely because we can get volunteers to supply the place of those who object to contribute their quota ? The great objection to giving up the endowment in the present case is this that if you take it away entirely there are parts of the kingdom which the voluntary principle will not reach, and where it will be impossible to provide for the ordinances of religion without the aid of the rate imposed by the piety of our ancestors. Unless you keep up that Establishment for which your ancestors so liberally provided in giving the benefits of the Church to the people of the entire country, you will be doing a great injustice to the poor, who have hitherto been so liberally provided with these benefits. Sir, I have no distrust in the voluntary principle: I recognize it in every page of my Bill. It is one of the two principles contained therein. Let the House improve the machinery of the measure if they please; but I entreat of you to admit these two principles-first, that, instead of having a compulsory obligation placed upon all, you shall allow the voluntary principle to exist in places where there is no objection on the part of the great majority of the peo

ple to pay for the maintenance of that Church to which they belong; and, secondly, out of consideration for those who do not receive the direct benefits of the Established religion, you may allow them to claim an exemption from payment of the rate. In attempting to settle this question, I may, like many abler and better men, have failed in my object. But failure in the present case, under exist ing circumstances, is not to be wondered I shall not, however, despair until I see the vote of to-day. I will not despair, Sir, where such an offer is made to arrive at a settlement of the question in such a spirit as I have approached it. I only trust the House will now adopt the second reading of the Bill, and improve it as they may think fit in Committee, so as to ensure the great objects aimed at by it.

at.

MR. STANHOPE then rose to address the House, but it being near six o'clock, and the House being anxious to come to a division, the hon. Gentleman was received with continued cries of "Divide, divide!" The hon. Gentleman, after struggling in vain for a hearing, moved the adjournment of the debate.

Motion made, and Question proposed"That the Debate be now adjourned."

THE CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHE QUER appealed to the House to allow the hon. Gentleman to proceed.

Motion, by leave, withdrawn.

MR. STANHOPE commenced to address the House, but was again met with continued cries of "Divide, divide!" and finally sat down.

[ocr errors]

Question put, "That the word 'now stand part of the Question.' The House divided:-Ayes 171; Noes 254: Majority 83.

List of the AYES.
Adderley, rt. hon. C. B.

Akroyd, E.
Annesley, hon. H.
Arbuthnott, hon. Gen.
Ashley, Lord

Baillie, H. J.
Ball, E.
Baring, T.
Bernard, Tho. T.
Bernard, hon. Col.
Beach, W. W. B.
Bathurst, A. A.
Beecroft, G. S.
Bennet, P.
Bentinck, G. W. P.

Beresford, rt. hon. W.

Bramston, T. W.
Bridges, Sir B. W.
Bruce, Major C.

Bramley-Moore, J.

Burrell, Sir C. M.

Cairns, Sir Hugh M'C.
Carden, Sir R. W.
Cayley, E. S.

Charlesworth, J. C. D.
Child, S.
Christy, S.

Churchill, Lord A. S.
Codrington, Sir W.
Cole, hon. H. A.
Corry, rt. hon. H. L.
Cross, R. A.
Cubitt, Mr. Ald.
Davison, R.

Deedes, W.

Disraeli, rt. hon. B.

Du Cane, C.

Duncombe, hon. Col.

Edwards, H.
Egerton, W.

[blocks in formation]

Locke, Jobn

Luce, T.

Mackinnon, W. A.

Russell, A.
Saint Aubyn, J.
Salisbury, E. G.
Salomons, Ald.
Schneider, H. W.
Scrope, G. P.
Shafto, R. D.
Shelley, Sir J. V.
Sheridan, H. B.

Laslett, W.

Levinge, Sir R.

Lindsay, W. S.

Lowe, rt. hon. R.

Macarthy, A.

Mangles, C. E.

Marjoribanks, D. C.

Marshall, W.

Martin, C. W.

Martin, P. W.

Martin, J.

Massey, W. N.

Matheson, A.

Mills, T.

Mitchell, T. A.

Steel, J.

[blocks in formation]

Smith, J. A.
Smith, M. T.
Smith, rt. hon. R. V.
Smith, A.

Somerville, rt. hon. Sir
W. M.
Stanley, hon. W. O.
Stapleton, J.

Sykes, Col. W. II.

Mostyn, hn. T. E. M. L. Talbot, C. R. M.

Napier, Sir C.

Nicoll, D.

[blocks in formation]

Thompson, Gen.

Thornely, T.
Tite, W.
Tollemache, hon. F. J.
Tomline, G.
Trueman, C.
Turner, J. A.
Vane, Lord H.
Verney, Sir H.
Villiers, rt. hon. C. P.
Vivian, H. H.

Vivian, H. J. C. W.
Walter, J.

Watkins, Col. L.

[blocks in formation]
[blocks in formation]

Pilkington, J.

Price, W. P.

Puller, C. W. G.

Ramsay, Sir A.

Rebow, J. G.

Ricardo, J. L.

Ricardo, O.

Rich, H.

[blocks in formation]

Wilson, J.
Wise, J. A.
Wood, rt. hon. Sir C.
Wood, W.
Woods, II.

Young, A. W.

TELLERS.

Trelawny, Sir J.
Ilardcastle, J. A.

SINGAPORE-PETITION.

LORD STANLEY OF ALDERLEY presented a petition from the Bankers, Merchants, and Residents at Singapore, in the Straits of Malacca, praying that English interests in those settlements may receive full consideration in the Re-organization of the Executive Government of India. The petitioners expressed the satisfaction with which they had seen the termination of the Indian mutiny, and the transference of the Governor of the Company to the Crown, called attention to the growing importance of the trade between. Singapore and Great Britain, which was now greater than that between Singapore The and the East Indian possessions. whole amount, of exports and imports into Singapore exceeded £12,000,000, greater than the whole trade of the Dutch in those seas, and next in importance to Bombay after Calcutta and Madras. They prayed that in consideration of the amount of British capital involved in the settlement of Singapore, with a view to its more efficient protection, and to counteract the encroachments of the Dutch, Parliament would consent to transfer the rule of that settlement from India to the Imperial Government, and that a governor of Singapore and of the Straits Settlements might be appointed, with extended powers similar to those of the Governor of Hong Kong and the Superintendent of British trade in China, and they asked that this Governor should be enabled to negotiate treaties with the Native Powers for the extension of our trade, and to see that our engagements with the Dutch and other Powers in those seas were duly observed. The petitioners considered this imperatively necessary for the safe protection of British trade in the Archipelago. They also called attention to the circumstances under which the settlement of Sarawak, on the mainland of

Main Question, as amended, put, and Borneo, and at no great distance from Sinagreed to.

Bill put off for six months.

House adjourned at four minutes
before Six o'clock.

HOUSE OF LORD S,

Thursday, March 10, 1859. MINUTES.] PUBLIC BILLS.-1a Manslaughter; Indictable Offences (Metropolitan District); Conviet Prisons Abroad.

2 Manor Courts, &c. (Ireland). VOL. CLII. [THIRD SERIES.]

gapore, had been formed by Sir James Brooke, and begged that the claims of the British residents and settlers in Sarawak might be taken into consideration, and that Sarawak might become one of the British Colonies, or at all events taken under the protection of the British Crown. The noble Lord said that, taking into view the magnitude of the commerce of Singapore, and its vast increase since it was originally established by the forethought and sagacity of Sir Stamford Raffles, this was a request not hastily to be refused. Singapore was the emporium of all the British trade with

3 F

arsenal. We had no place in those Indian seas where ships could be repaired or refitted; at Hong Kong, he believed, there was no accommodation for the purpose, but Singapore was admirably adapted for that purpose; it was a place where every vessel on her way must touch, and the port was considered very good, and the absence of storms rendered it a safe anchorage for shipping. He understood that the revenues of Singapore were amply sufficient to pay the expenses of its civil government, though of course the military expenses were another matter; hitherto they had been defrayed by the Indian Government; but if the Government were transferred to a Governor sent from England, it would be a question whether they should not fall upon the Imperial Exchequer. He thought it would be necessary to station a body of European troops there; and as the Navy Commission had recommended that an additional force of 5,000 English marines should be levied, there was no place more suitable for a portion of them than Singapore, where they would protect the great highway of commercial intercourse between India and China, and would be ready, if required, to render valuable assistance on board ship, as there ought always to be a force of gun-boats stationed in the waters of Singapore. He therefore trusted he should receive from Government an assurance that they were not unfavourably disposed to entertain this question of transferring Singapore from the Governor General of India to the Govern

the Indian Archipelago, Java, Siam, and Cochin China. That trade, taking imports and exports together, now amounted annually to £12,000,000 sterling. Singapore was also the port where every steamer or sailing vessel engaged in the trade with China, which was now so greatly on the increase, must pass; the vessels going to the China seas must call at Singapore to obtain their coal or other supplies, and through Singapore must pass every line of electric telegraph that might hereafter be laid down to connect us with any point in the Eastern Archipelago. It should be observed that other European nations were now making great efforts to establish or extend their own settlements in that part of the world; the Dutch were spreading themselves more and more throughout the Indian Archipelago, and endeavouring to exclude the British merchants from a participation in the trade; the French were about to establish themselves in Cochin China, and New Caledonia, and the Spaniards were extending their possessions from the Philippine Islands to the Sooloo Islands and the neighbourhood of Borneo. It was, therefore, most important that a British Governor and Superintendent of Trade furnished with competent authority should be stationed at Singapore to watch the proceedings of foreign nations, and to protect our own interests in those seas. Hitherto the government of Singapore had been under the authority of the Governor General of India. One matter of which the inhabitants of Singapore complained, and not without reason, was, that the placement at home, and appointing a Governor had been made the depôt of the convicts from India; and not only that, but they were obliged to expend large sums for the maintenance of those convicts; and they expressed the gratification which they felt that on a recent occasion the Indian mu tineers were not transported to Singapore, as was at first intended, but to the Andaman Islands. He did think that if it were still deemed necessary for India that convicts should be sent to the settlements of Singapore and Malacca, at any rate the expense of maintaining them there ought to fall entirely upon the Indian revenues. He (Lord Stanley) thought it was of great importance that there should be at Singapore an officer, authorized to protect British interests in those seas, and to negotiate treaties with the Native Powers. Another point to which the petitioners called attention was the importance and facility of making Singapore a great naval

of the Straits Settlements with competent powers. He had also to ask for information of the intentions of Her Majesty's Government with regard to the settlement of Sarawak. He had seen with regret that, in the autumn, a deputation which waited upon Lord Derby with respect to the claims of Sir James Brooke, and with a view to urge that the Government should take possession of that settlement and establish it as a British colony, received very little encouragement, or rather an answer which rendered their request almost hopeless. He would not now discuss the question of establishing a British colony there, or of granting any pecuniary compensation; but British settlers had gone there, British money had been invested there, the Government had established a bishopric there, and missionaries had gone out; and it would be a serious thing if that settlement was to be entirely deserted. The imme

« ZurückWeiter »