consequences. I am glad to find that the foundation has been laid, by the improvement of her constitution, for a better state of things, and I trust that Jamaica will, ere long, resume her natural position at the head of the West India Islands. Jamaica used to send to this country 1,500,000 cwt. of sugar; now she sends not quite 500,000. But the void in her exportation has been filled up from another source. The Mauritius has taken the place of Jamaica and now sends us about 1,500,000 cwt. In fact, wherever you find an adequate supply of labour, whether it be in the Mauritius, in Trinidad, Demerara, or Barbadoes, there you find the cultivation of sugar succesfully conducted, and the whole community in a state of prosperity. The lesson taught by this and I hope it will be borne in mind not by us alone but by the whole world is, that the question whether free labour can compete in a tropical climate with slave labour depends upon the sufficiency with which that free labour is supplied; and happily in our own colonies the experiment has worked satisfactorily. My belief is, that by encouraging by all legiti mate means the introduction of free labourers into your own sugar-producing possessions, and taking care that they are not checked in their career of improvement, you are doing far more to put down the slave trade and slavery than can be accomplished by all the squadrons you may fit out and all the treaties you can devise. I should look with the utmost alarm at the carrying out of the views of the well-intentioned but mistaken men who ask as a boon for the coloured races, above all people in the world, that you should check the supply of free labour for your own colonies. Successive Governments have carefully watched the whole system under which this immigration has been conducted, in order that the interests of humanity might not be neglected, and that, as far as could be done under a highly artificial and complicated set of arrangements, the claims of the planter upon the Coolie should be reconciled with the right of the latter to protection in his comparatively defenceless position. One other point of great moment is, whether free labourers can be taken from the coast of Africa and carried to our colonies? My own opinion is that any attempt to effect this on the part of England or any other country will only end in a revival of the slave trade in another form. Another question of great importance is, whether a supply of labour is obtainable from China? No doubt, if a system of Chinese immigration could be established under proper safeguards, it would be of great advantage to the West India Islands. But there are difficulties in the way. One of them is the alleged impossibility of insuring by fair means the introduction into our Colonies of a due proportion of Chinese women. The attention of the late Government, and doubtless that of their successors, was turned to this point; and the Earl of Elgin had special directions to make inquiries into it as far as his other and more pressing duties would permit. When one of the West India Islands had expressed a wish to send out an agent to China to assist in promoting the same object, every facility was offered on the part of the British Government to the mission of that officer. I will only add, that if the hon. Member who has made this Motion will follow the advice of the Secretary of State for the Colonies, and confine the proposed inquiry to the subjects to which I have referred, I have little doubt that it will be attended with useful results. MR. CROSSLEY said, that feeling. deeply interested in the question of the abolition of slavery, he had listened with much satisfaction to the speech of the right hon. Gentleman the Secretary for the Colonies. He had had the advantage of visiting the Slave States of America, where he found the slave owners extremely anxious to have his opinion as to whether he had not found the domestic institution" much better than he expected. He endeavoured to persuade them that it was more for their interest to give the labourers day wages and make them independent, instead of having to purchase them at a high rate and then to hold the whip over them to make them work. They allowed the truth of his remarks, but replied they had no choice and no chance of acting on this suggestion, that slave labour was all that they had to depend upon. He thought the right hon. Secretary for the Colonies had shown that more work was to be done and greater economy effected by free labour than by slave labour; but there was a feeling in the country that there was great hardship connected with immigration-that it was only slavery under another name. It was very important that this should be set right. He (Mr. Crossley) thought the planters themselves ought to pay the whole expenses of immigration, just the same as if either agriculturists or manufacturers in this country required labour from abroad they must pay for it themselves and not come upon the public purse for any portion of it. He would advise the hon. Member for Newport to accept the proposition of the Secretary for the Colonies, in order that this immigration might be conducted in a proper manner, feeling sure, as he did, that the best way to put down slavery would be to allow colonial produce to be raised by free labour. MR. CHICHESTER FORTESCUE said, he also would urge upon the hon. Mover the propriety of accepting the first piece of advice offered to him by the Secretary for the Colonies, and of resting satisfied with the information already before the House, together with that which would speedily be produced in addition. There was no sufficient ground for the proposed inquiry, which, moreover, was not demanded by any general feeling out of doors. Exaggerated and unfounded alarms had indeed been excited by a small body of that somewhat dangerous class of persons called philanthropists; but the free immigration of Coolies had been a great blessing to our West Indian colonies, and the correction of any abuses in the working of the system might safely be left to the vigilance which was constantly exercised both by the Immigration Commissioners and the Indian Government. MR. E. EWING observed, that Demerara had the finest soil for the cultivation of sugar, and all that the colony wanted to enable it to beat the slave-owners of Cuba was a sufficiency of labour. He did not think that a system of differential duties would do the planters any good. MR. BUXTON said, that he would accept the first proposal of the right hon. Baronet the Secretary of State for the Colonies. He would study the Papers which were about to be published, and if they did not afford information, would renew his Motion. Motion, by leave, withdrawn. COUNTY COURTS BILL. LEAVE. FIRST READING. SIR STAFFORD NORTHCOTE, in moving for leave to introduce a Bill to repeal the 32nd section of the County Courts Act, 9 & 10 Vict., c. 95, and to make further provision in lieu thereof, explained that that clause had reserved the jurisdiction of certain officers of the city of Westminster and borough of Southwark, and that the deaths of two of these officers which had occurred lately had afforded an opportunity for the introduction of this measure. Leave given. Bill ordered to be brought in by Sir STAFFORD NORTHCOTE and Mr. ATTORNEY GENERAL. Bill presented and read 1°. MARRIAGE LAW AMENDMENT BILL. Order for Third Reading read. Motion made and Question proposed, "That the Bill be now read the third time." MR. BERESFORD HOPE wished to take another opportunity of entering his protest against and declaring his conscientious opposition to this Bill. It provoked the opposition of all the women of England, and of all the thinking people throughout the United Empire. It was said when this Bill was before the House on the last occasion, that the clergy of London were in favour of it. He had no answer to make to that statement at the time, but now he had an answer. That evening he had presented a petition from the Dean and Chapter of Westminster, urging that the marriage of a man with a deceased wife's sister was contrary to the Word of God and the law of the Church. Another petition had also been presented by him from Sion College, a corporation of the clergy of London, which alleged that if this Bill passed the law would be destructive of the social interests of the people, and to the discipline and doctrine of the Church of England. He had also presented a petition from the town of Leeds, signed by nearly the whole of the clergy, and of the same purport as those to which he had alluded. Hostility to the measure however was not confined to those classes. The feeling of the country was against the passing of the law. He was satisfied that even should the Bill pass that House it would not become law. He begged to move that the Bill be read a third time that day six months. Amendment proposed, to leave out the word "now," and at the end of the Question to add the words "upon this day six months." Question put, "That the words 'now' stand part of the Question." The House divided:-Ayes 137; Noes 89: Majority 48. Main Question put, and agreed to. MANOR COURTS, &c., (IRELAND) BILL. COMMITTEE. nine out of ten of the courts there would be no title to compensation. He did not see Order for consideration, as amended, the advantage of maintaining bad courts read. Bill re-committed. House in Committee. MR. COX said, he must object to the House going on with this Bill at so late an hour. It was understood that no important matters should be considered after twelve o'clock, and it was now a quarter past that hour. His objection was one that went to the whole Bill, and he should move that the hon. Chairman report progress. Motion made and Question put, ..That the Chairman do now leave the chair." hour. MR. WHITESIDE said, that though it was past twelve o'clock they had seen most important business transacted after that The hon Member had put forward a Motion which originally was the Motion of another hon. Member, and the matter had been fully discussed on a former occasion. The Committee divided:-Ayes 6; Noes 95 Majority 89. : when there existed good courts where the causes could be tried. He had not set out a schedule, because a great many of the judges of these courts would not receive compensation, which the fact of putting them into a schedule would have admitted, and the provision that those which had had real business during a year would receive compensation would have been abused by the getting up of business for the purpose of getting into the schedule. MR. J. D. FITZGERALD observed, that on a former occasion he had sug gested that in place of abolishing the courts and giving compensation no new judges should be appointed. It was matter of complaint that the extent to which the public finances would be charged under the Bill was not stated. In a great many of the courts the emoluments were considerable, and compensation, if given at all, must be in proportion. If the hon. Member for Finsbury went to a division, he should feel bound to support his Amendment, the effect of which would be that these courts would expire gradually, without one farthing of expense to the country. Having been unable to obtain any information from the Government as to the number of courts, he had made inquiry himself, and found that there were numerous officers of these courts claiming to be in the receipt of £50 to £350 a year. The courts were not so the Bill. wholly inefficient as Mr. Whiteside represented. Clause 1, line 9:-Amendment pro- stated that he had issued 10,000 processes The judge of the Antrim court po ed― his decisions. in one year without having any appeal from MR. COX said, he would then propose to expunge certain words in Clause 1. The Bill, he said, proposed to give to an unlimited number of persons an unlimited amount of compensation. That was a most objectionable provision; but if the Attorney General for Ireland was prepared to state the number of courts which he intended to abolish, and the sum which would be required to compensate the Judges, he would not further oppose the progress of "To leave out from the word 'Act' to 'Courts,' in line 12, in order to insert the words no seneschal or judge shall hereafter be appointed to any Manor Court in Ireland, and upon the death of any person at present holding the office of seneschal or judge of any Manor Court, or on his ceasing to hold such office by resignation, removal, or otherwise, the Manor Court of which such person was judge or seneschal shall be abolished, and no action or suit shall be commenced or prosecuted therein."" MR. WHITESIDE said, that every Judge on the Bench of Ireland for the last thirty years had declared against these courts, which encouraged perjury and small litigation. Many of the courts sat in publichouses, and the men who gave most money for drink got the most verdicts. It was only proposed to give compensation according to the business done in the last year, and he believed that with respect to MR. SPAIGHT said, he would not share the responsibility which would be incurred by perpetuating these courts. In giving evidence as to the working of these courts, one gentleman said that the jury did not always deliberate, but sent to the plaintiff for a quantity of punch, refusing to give their verdict until they got their drink. In another instance a gentleman went into one of these courts and found the judge, jury, and witnesses speaking Irish, and on inquiry discovered that the judge did not understand English. MR. JOHN LOCKE observed that he had no doubt but that the courts in question were quite as abominable as they had been represented. Why, he asked, had not the right hon. and learned Gentleman MR. DOBBS contended that the whole details of manor courts in Ireland were well known from the inquiry which had already taken place before a Committee of that House, and as he believed they were a nuisance, the sooner they were abolished the better. MR. O'BRIEN said, he thought the assistant barristers in Ireland ought to be made permanent, but deprived of any practice at the bar. They ought to be put on a similar footing to County Court Judges in Ireland. who introduced the Bill inserted a sche- the National Gallery to a new Situation, dule identifying the number of courts to be and the Conditions of such Removal, and dealt with? said: — My Lords, shortly after the meeting of Parliament, in answer to a question put to the Chancellor of the Exchequer in the other House of Parliament, the right hon. Gentleman stated, according to report, that there was an intention of removing the Royal Academy from their present residence in Trafalgar Square to a new site, upon certain terms which were not distinctly stated. My Lords, I consider that much misapprehension has existed respecting the tenure under which the Royal Academy hold their apartments at present in the National Gallery Much misapprehension appears to me also to exist as to the character, the duties, and the means of performing the duties of the Royal Academy, and much misrepresentation has taken place in consequence of such misapprehensions. I am, therefore, desirous to have an opportunity of entering into an explanation upon these points, because I think it will be satisfactory to your Lordships, and will redound to the credit of the society to which I have referred. I hope, my Lords, I shall not be charged with going out of my province in entering upon this subject. My justification, or rather my excuse may be, or must be, that in the course of last Session I presented a pe MR. MACARTHY said, he was persuaded this Bill would be of the greatest value to Ireland, provided liberty of appeal was added to it. MR. PEASE said, he thought the absence of any recommendation by the Committee which sat on this subject for the abolition of these courts showed that there was no great urgency for getting rid of them in the precipitate manner proposed by the Government, and at so large an expense. Question put, "That the words proposed to be left out, stand part of the clause. The Committee divided: Ayes 70; Noes 14; Majority 56. Clause, as amended, agreed to. The remainder of the clauses agreed to, tition to your Lordships from the Royal with some Amendments. MR. GROGAN said, he would move a clause saving the jurisdiction of the Recorder's Court, the Lord Mayor's Court, and the Court of Conscience of the borough of Dublin. In Academy, requesting your Lordships to pass some Bill for the purpose of extending the law of copyright to paintings and other works of fine art. consequence of this, I have received repeated communications from members of the Royal Academy, and they recall to my recollection many circumstances of my early life when I attended the lec. tures of Sir Joshua Reynolds, of Mr. House adjourned at Two o'clock. Barry, and other professors, when I was MR. WHITESIDE opposed the clause, and it was negatived. House resumed. Bill reported, as amended. Friday, March 4, 1859. very much associated and very conversant with the proceedings of the Royal Academy, and when I was intimately acquainted with many of its members. My Lords, there is one circumstance, and a remarkable circumstance, that distinguishes MINUTES.] PUBLIC BILLS.-12 Marriage Law the Royal Academy in this country from Amendment. 2 Burial Places. REMOVAL OF THE ROYAL ACADEMY. LORD LYNDHURST rose, pursuant to notice, to call the Attention of the House to the Royal Academy, and to the proposal to remove the Establishment from all the other academies that exist on the continent of Europe. There is not a single academy for the purpose of promoting the fine arts upon the Continent of Europe that is not supported entirely by the State; whereas the Royal Academy here has almost from its first institution been self supporting. It has been of no charge whatever to the State, and in this respect resembles many other of our institutions, which would in foreign countries look for aid to the Government, but which in this country are supported by the energy, the vigour, and enterprise of individuals. This is a peculiar characteristic of our free State, and it does, I think, great honour to the independence and spirit of our people. Some persons have said that the Royal Academy is to be considered as a society of private gentlemen united for the purpose of promoting the fine arts; while others have said that it is to be viewed as an incorporation. It is a singular circumstance, that at the institution of the Royal Academy there was an Incorporated Society of British Artists then in existence, consisting of a numerous body of professional gentlemen. In consequence, however, of dis putes among that body and the disorders consequent upon them, some of the leading members applied by memorial to George III. for the purpose of establishing an academy under his patronage. After some consideration, the King assented to their request, and established the Royal Academy, exclusively under his protection and support. A code of laws was prepared under the immediate superintendence of the King, and he himself devoted a considerable portion of time to their consideration. Many alterations were proposed; but at last the code was complete, and it was then handed over under the sign manual to the Royal Academy; so that the Royal Academy exists, not as a private assemblage of individuals, but as an establishment under Royal authority, and under the sign manual. As for these laws I may describe them in a few words. The society consists of forty Academicians and twenty Associates, and it is provided that when there is a vacancy it shall be supplied by election, that elec. tion to be conducted by the Royal Academicians. But no person is allowed to hold the office of Royal Academician except with the assent of the Crown, and before he is placed in that situation he must have a diploma from the Crown, pointing out his rank and position in the society. Part of the system is the establishment of a very extensive and gratuitous school for the instruction of students in the fine arts. Certain professors are appointed, four or five in number, and also certain officers who are necessary for carrying on the establishment. I remember hearing many years ago-nearly seventy years ago—that the whole system and code of laws were referred to and considered by Lord Camden. I find that at this time Lord Camden was the possessor of the Great Seal, and we know, according to the practice of those days, that the Lord Chancellor was in daily private communication with the Crown. It is therefore almost impossible that a scheme of this kind should be established, and this system of laws could not indeed well be constituted, without the King taking the advice and opinions of the Lord Chancellor. I own, my Lords, that the various documents under the sign manual are not countersigned by any officer of the Crown, and there might be some doubt raised whether this Academy is to be considered an institution, patronised and under the support of the Crown in its private or its public character. My Lords, I do not think it very material to enter into these nice distinctions. What I am stating relates to the frame, the constitution, and the circumstances under which the endowment was placed. Now, my Lords, a word or two in respect to its local position. The Royal Academy was founded in 1768. Three years afterwards, in 1771, it was transferred from its original place of residence in Pall Mall to the old palace of Somerset House, by the authority of the Crown. It remained at the old palace of Somerset House until the new building was erected. That building, or series of buildings, was erected under the authority of an Act of Parliament. That Act of Parliament pointed out the particular offices which were to be accommodated in this building; I think they were to be ten in number; and it provided that on the site of the old palace such other buildings and offices should be erected as His Majesty should think proper to direct. It was under this reserved clause that His Majesty directed that that part of the present building which fronts the Strand should be erected for the accommodation of the Royal Academy, the Royal Society, and the Society of Antiquaries. The keys of that part of the building intended to be occupied by the Royal Aademy, were directed by His Majesty to be handed over to Sir Joshua Reynolds, who was then the President. It is clear that at that period the apartments which were assigned to the Royal Academy were held as part of the old palace of the Sovereign, and at the will and pleasure of the Sovereign. They continued in the occupation of those apartments undisturbed for a period of nearly |
