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with the other House.
their power to change the Resolution into
a Standing Order without legislative inter-
position, he might have felt that many
reasons might be urged in favour of such
a proposition; and he should not have de-
spaired of its being carried, if not unani-
mously, by the general concurrence of the
House. But, as he was advised, that was
clearly impossible, and the House could
only proceed by Bill, thus embarking upon
a course of legislation which might not be
as tranquil as they could wish. He should
certainly oppose the Amendment of the
hon. Member for North Warwickshire, be-
cause it was open to the same objection as
the Motion of the hon. Member for Fins-
bury, inasmuch as it sought to disturb the
arrangement that was entered into last year,
and he thought it was extremely desirable
after what then occurred that the question
should not be re-opened. The Jews had
substantially attained what they desired.
He knew there was no small majority of
that House not unfavourable to the course
proposed by the hon. Gentleman the Mem-
ber for Finsbury, but still he would appeal
to him whether, in such a manner and for
such a purpose, it was worth while to re-
vive bygone discussions which had been
productive of so much bitterness.

Had it been in | was to pass a Resolution, and then convert
it into an Order, of a more permanent
instead of a temporary character, so that
it still remained a Resolution, though by
being called a Standing Order it was im-
plied that it had a more permanent autho-
rity. He did not give this opinion with any
confidence, but still he thought it was one
well deserving of consideration. Before
they decided, he thought they ought to look
to the authorities.
He must, protest,
however, against a statement which had
been made by the right hon. Gentleman
the Chancellor of the Exchequer, which
implied there was anything like a com-
pact last year upon this question. His
own opinion was, and had been, that the
course pursued last year upon this ques-
tion was more likely than any other which
could be adopted to revive the angry dis-
cussions which had taken place-nothing
could be more unsatisfactory or more
clumsy than the so-called settlement which
had last year been effected. His doubt was
whether it was worth while to go to the
House of Lords to ask them to assist the
Commons in doing that which perhaps
the Commons could do without their au-
thority, and even if the Commons could
not do it without the concurrence of
the House of Lords, he doubted whether
the Commons should send up to the
Lords such a Bill as the one proposed,
instead of calling upon the other House
generously to concede the admission of
the Jews generally. If the hon. Gentle-
man the Member for Finsbury pressed his
Motion to a division, he (Sir George Grey)
wishing for time to consider the matter,
would vote for the introduction of the Bill
—a course he was the more ready to adopt,
as no resistance had been offered during
the present Session to the introduction of
any Bill. As to the Amendment of the
hon. Gentleman the Member for North
Warwickshire, he had no hesitation in re-
jecting it. He apprehended an hon. Mem-
ber duly elected had an undoubted right
to take his seat without any unnecessary
delay, and that it would be an injustice to
keep any hon. Member who came to that
table to take the oaths twenty-four or forty-
eight hours without taking his seat.

SIR GEORGE GREY said, he was not prepared to express a decided opinion in opposition to what had been stated by the Chancellor of the Exchequer as to the inability of the House to convert a Resolution into a Standing Order; but at the same time he did not wish by remaining silent to bind himself to the doctrine that it was not in the power of the House, without obtaining the sanction of Parliament, to make the conversion in question. There were high authorities for the opinion expressed by the right hon. Gentleman opposite, but he thought the House should be very cautious in admitting that it was necessary to ask the House of Lords to grant them a power which, perhaps, they already possessed, and which, at all events, it was not at all clear they did not possess. The hon. and learned Member for Wallingford (Mr. Malins) had stated that a Resolution and a Standing Order were two different things. Now, the fact was that they were both of the same character; both Orders of the House-both, in fact, Resolutions; and he thought it would be found that every Standing Order of the House embodied in it a Resolution of the House. If they wish ed to make a Standing Order the first step VOL. CLII. [THIRD SERIES.]

MR. T. DUNCOMBE said, he thought he should not be justified in complying with the appeal made to him to withdraw his Motion. He was not disposed to pay the Lords, as a body, so ill a compliment as to suppose that they would reject the Bill, and some of the Peers, with whom he had 2 Q

spoken, declared to him that they had no idea that the Resolution passed under the Act of last year would not have the effect which was now sought to be given to it. No doubt the House had a right to convert a Resolution into a Standing Order, but there was this peculiarity about the particular Resolution in question, that the House had received it embodied in an Act of Parliament, and therefore it was doubtful whether that Resolution could be converted into a Standing Order without the assent of the House of Lords, and whether a Jew taking his seat under a Standing Order made by the sole authority of the House of Commons would not be subject to pains and penalties. His best justification for introducing the measure was the Amendment of the hon. Member for North Warwickshire.

MR. NEWDEGATE said, he had no objection to withdraw that part of the Amendment which stated that his Resolution should be a Standing Order of the House.

MR. WALPOLE said that, when the question was last year before the House he expressed a strong opinion, and he retained it still, that if the Jews were to be admitted to seats in Parliament, it would be better that they should be admitted openly and directly, than that the question should be left open to consideration, and to the constant discussions that would follow upon it. Now he owned that he thought they had got into great difficulties by the Act of last Session. He agreed with the right hon. Member for Morpeth (Sir George Grey) that it was not by any means clear what was the force of the Act of Parliament with respect to the Resolutions made under it. It was by no means clear to what extent they might be carried, whether beyond a Session or even beyond a Parliament. His own impression was, that the Amendment of his hon. Friend (Mr. Newdegate) would be extremely inconvenient; because, if it were agreed to, the House would lay itself open to the objection which had been urged by the right hon. Baronet opposite (Sir George Grey), that a hon. Member was entitled to take his seat as soon as he had been elected. He thought it would have been better to pass a Sessional Resolution at the beginning of every Session. But in point of fact there was so much difficulty about the question, that he would suggest to the hon. Member for Finsbury, as the best mode of getting out of it, that without going again to the other House of Parlia

ment, and instead of pressing his Motion for leave to introduce a Bill, he should refer the matter to a Select Committee, to consider the best mode of carrying the Act of Parliament into effect. They would then have a Report from hon. Members of different parties in the House who would have considered the measure fully and maturely; and thus they would be in a much better position to arrive at a decision on the subject.

MR. NEWDEGATE said, that if he was to understand that Her Majesty's Goverument and the House generally were willing to adopt the proposal just made by his right hon. Friend, he should be very happy to waive his own opinion, in deference to that of the House, and withdraw his Amendment.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

LORD JOHN MANNERS said, he thought that the proposal of the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Walpole) was one to which the House might, with propriety, accede. The Government hoped, therefore, that the hon. Member for Finsbury would not be indisposed to listen favourably to the suggestion.

MR. T. DUNCOMBE said, he had listened with much pleasure to the speech of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Cambridge University (Mr. Walpole), because of its conciliatory tone, and thought the course proposed by him very likely to lead to a satisfactory settlement. He should therefore have no objection to withdraw his Bill, on the understanding that the right hon. Gentleman would move for the appointment of a Committee. [Mr. WALPOLE: Hear, hear!] Well, then, he placed the matter in the hands of the right hon. Gentleman, feeling sure that from the experience which he had had of the right hon. Gentleman, as a Member of Committees, the inquiry would be fairly and properly conducted.

MR. WALPOLE said, he would now move, as an Amendment to the original Motion, that the question be referred to a Select Committee to consider and to report as to the best mode of carrying the Act of last Session into effect.

Amendment proposed

"To leave out from the word 'That' to the end

of the Question, in order to add the words 'a Select Committee be appointed to consider and report to the House on the best mode of carrying into effect the provisions of the Act 21 & 22 Vict. c. 49, to provide for the Relief of Her Majesty's Subjects professing the Jewish Religion,' instead thereof."

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who had given a cordial support to that measure, he certainly did not feel it his duty to object to that clause, because he felt that when British shipowners were ex

Main Question, as amended, put, and posed to competition with all the world they agreed to.

Select Committee appointed

"To consider and report to the House on the best mode of carrying into effect the provisions of the Act 21 & 22 Vict. c. 49, to provide for the Relief of Her Majesty's Subjects professing the Jewish Religion."

COLONIAL AND FOREIGN WOOD.

RESOLUTION.

MR. MITCHELL said he rose to move a Resolution to the effect that it was the opinion of the House that the duties on foreign and colonial wood should be repealed. Considering the uncertain state of the revenue at the present moment, he did not propose by his Resolution to ask the House for the repeal of the duties on wood this year or at any definite period. What he wished the House to do was, to express its abstract opinion as to these duties and on the expediency of repealing them as soon as the state of the revenue would render such a measure possible. To show how the question stood he would give the House a short historical summary of the gradual reduction of those articles. In 1841, and for a considerable time previous, the duty on foreign wood had stood at 55s. per load, and that on colonial 20s. Wood was one of the three great articles a change in the duties on which was proposed by the noble Lord the Member for the City of London in 1841. He need not say that that proposal was unsuccessful. In 1842 Sir R. Peel brought in his celebrated budget, in which he proposed that the duties on foreign timber should be reduced to 30s. in 1842, and to 25s. in 1843. The duty on colonial timber he brought down at once to the merely nominal sum of 1s. a load. On that occasion Sir Robert said, that if there was an article on which a reduction of duty would be a benefit to the people, it was wood. The impost remained unaltered at this amount until 1845, when, in the budget accompanying the total repeal of the Corn Laws, Sir R. Peel proposed that the duties upon foreign wood should be reduced to 20s. a load in 1846, and to 15s. a load in 1847. This state of things continued until 1850, when the repeal of the Navigation Laws relieved from duty the manufactured article of shipping. As one

He

were entitled in turn to buy their ships in the cheapest market. But then they were left with this anomaly, that while the manufactured article was admitted free of duty, the raw material was left burdened with a heavy one. The consequence was, that in 1850 he (Mr. Mitchell) brought forward a proposal for allowing ships to be built in bond. The right hon. Member for Halifax (Sir C. Wood,) who was then Chancellor of the Exchequer, declined to deal with the subject at that time, in consequence of the state of the revenue, and on account of the great difficulty which a system of drawbacks would entail, but he promised to consider the question at a subsequent period, and in conformity with that promise the right hon. Gentleman in 1851 proposed and carried a reduction of the duties on foreign wood of from 15s. to 7s. 6d. a load upon hewn, and from 20s. to 10s. a load upon sawn timber. That was the point at which the duty at present stood. Now, what had been the effect of this reduction in stimulating the importation and consumption of wood in this country? Prior to 1843 the annual imports of wood somewhat exceeded 1,100,000 loads. would not trouble the House with the amount in each year up to 1857, but in that year the wood imported was 2,494,964 loads. In this quantity he had included both hewn and sawn timber. The importation, therefore, had nearly doubled in the fourteen years from 1843 to 1857, during which the reduction of the duty was made. He was bound to admit that there had been a falling off in 1858, but that might be accounted for by the crisis in the preceding year in this country. The timber trade was always the last to feel a commercial crisis, and it was also the last to recover from it; but he had no doubt that the small falling off in 1858 would be abundantly made up in the present year. It would be seen that colonial timber had experienced a considerable reduction in the amount of protection afforded to it; but there had nevertheless been no falling off in the colonial trade. In 1857 the quantity of wood imported from our Colonies exceeded the total quantity of our imports, foreign, and colonial, in 1842. He (Mr. Mitchell) objected to the continuance of the timber duties on four grounds-First,

it was the only duty that existed on a raw | instance, take the price of white oak. At material—at least, he knew of none of any Dantzic it was worth 80s. a load, and the importance. There were three great arti- import charges amounted to 22s., making cles which entered into all our manufactures the cost about 30 per cent. more. Again, -coal, iron and wood. Fortunately we the price of pine was 40s. a load, and the had the two former within our own shores; import charges about 20s., or an enhanced but, with the exception of oak, we were cost of about 50 per cent. Those were obliged to bring all our timber from abroad. disadvantages under which shipbuilders in But it was unfortunate that we had to im this country were placed in the competition port so much of an article which entered they had to sustain with the shipbuilders so largely into our manufactures, but sure of the Baltic. Independently of this natural ly it could not be to our interest to aggra- disadvantage, however, Parliament imposed vate that misfortune by imposing a duty an artificial one, in the shape of a heavy besides, and to do so was contrary to the duty. Ships built in this country were whole course of recent legislation, the ten- divided into various classes-from 4 A to dency of which had been to free raw 13 A-the lowest being registered at materials from taxation. The duty on the Lloyd's as A 1 for four years, and the wood used in the smallest hovel which highest class as A 1 for thirteen years. could be erected in this country would He found the actual per centage of duty amount to 20s., while upon an ordinary on the cost of the hull of a ship registered cottage of six rooms it would be £3. Its as a 4 A ship to be no less than 9 per pressure in this way was therefore codsider- cent., which he considered was a great disable. Another ground of objection was advantage. He calculated the quantity of that it operated as a protective duty in timber at 400 tons, at £5 10s. per ton, favour of Canada to the extent of 14s. a load, which gave £2,200 as the value. Such a or thirty per cent. Now, he did not know ship could be built only of foreign timber. why we should go out of our way to benefit The hull of a 5 A ship at £6 per ton would Canada, inasmuch as the Canadian Legis- give a value of £2,400; and the duty lature, he believed, were imposing duties would be equal to 84 per cent. on the outon our manufactures in favour of native lay. The hull of a 6 A ship at £6 10s. industry. With the exception of sugar, per ton gave a value of £2,600; and the there was no other large article placed in per centage of duty upon that was about the same position as timber. His third 7. On a 7 A ship at £7 per ton, and on reason for objecting to the present duties a value of £2,800, the duty was 7 per cent. was, that at the present moment they were In consequence of the duty being injurious unequal and unjust. All the higher classes to the trade, the lowest classes of shipsof wood, such as African oak, teak, and those registered as 4 A and 5 A, &c.mahogany, were admitted free of duty. were not much built in this country. When The consequence was, that, while the mahog- they came to the higher classes, they any table of the rich and the middle classes would find that the ships were built of was free of duty, the deal table of the poor timber of the favoured sorts, such as teak, cottager was taxed. This was effected oak, and mahogany, and consequently the under Sir Robert Peel's tariff, who, with a per centage of duty was a much less rate view to encourage the furniture trade of in proportion to the cost. He should now this country, admitted all the furniture ask the House to consider whether it was woods duty free; and since that time the just or politic to maintain a tax which, importation of mahogany had doubled. His while the manufactured article in the shape fourth reason was the claims which the of a ship was admitted duty free, pressed shipbuilding interest had to their notice. heavily upon the raw material which the He thought that interest had been treated shipbuilder had to use. For the accuracy with the greatest possible injustice. Ever of the statements which he had made he since the repeal of the Navigation Laws could vouch, and he had been deterred the shipbuilders of this country had had to from bringing them under the consideration sustain a competition with the foreigner of the House some years ago simply bein the building of middle-class ships; and cause he felt that during the progress of he need not remind the House that they the Russian war it would be inexpedient to had to pay certain enhanced prices in pro- ask for the remission of a tax which yielded portion to the cost of bringing the wood £600,000 per annum. Now, however, that to this country, and thus they were placed the year 1860 was at hand, when a great under considerable disadvantages. For alteration in our financial position would

be produced by the falling in of the terminable annuities, he thought he might very fairly venture to ask the House to pronounce the continuance of the duty undesirable.

MR. FENWICK said, he rose to second the Resolution, and in doing so he would beg to call the attention of the House to the words of it, and to point out that it contained nothing to pledge hon. Members, should they assent to it, to the repeal of the duty at the present moment, or indeed to do so at any particular time. All it called upon the House to do was to affirm the general principle, namely, that the timber duties were unjust both in principle and practice. Neither his hon. Friend nor himself was anxious that the remission of the duties should take place at a time which would be injurious to the public service. It had been recognized over and over again that a tax on the raw material ought not to exist if it could be possibly prevented. That principle had been carried out so far as it concerned cotton, wool, and other things-timber alone was the exception. Upon those grounds it was perfectly fair to ask the House to ratify the Resolution. His constituents had a special interest in its repeal as they were more largely engaged in shipbuilding than any others in the country; for on the Wear there was more shipbuilding than in almost all the rest of the kingdom. Two years since the shipbuilders on the Wear turned out 60 per cent more ships than the whole of England did a few years ago; and that showed that the port of Sunderland and the interests of his constituents were largely concerned in the fate of this question. There was a duty on imported timber of from 10 to 25 per cent, but at the same time ships built in the Baltic and in Canada were permitted to be brought to this country and sold without any duty being charged at all. Such a system interfered to prevent shipbuilding in the north of England, and operated most injuriously upon the shipbuilding interest generally. It was well known that Canadian timber was not so good for ordinary purposes as Baltic timber, but the duty on Canadian timber being only 1s. a load, whilst on Baltic it was 7s. 6d. and 10s., an inducement was offered to use an inferior article, and the consequence was that a great number of houses had been built of timber which was not fit for the purpose. Her Majesty's present Government were generally supposed to have a special lean

ing in favour of the shipping interest; but that impression could no longer prevail if they should resist that fair and reasonable Motion. With these few remarks he begged to second the Resolution.

Motion made, and Question proposed"That it is the opinion of this House, that the Duties on Foreign and Colonial Wood should be repealed.”

SIR STAFFORD NORTHCOTE said, that when he first saw the Resolution on the paper it appeared to him to be one which was aimed at the immediate remission of a very important item in the revenue of the country. It seemed, however, from what had fallen from the hon. Gentleman who had just spoken, that it did not necessarily bear that construction; but he could not help thinking that a mere abstract Motion, calling upon hon. Members to express an opinion as to the expediency of taking a certain course at some future time, and under some possible circumstances, was one which was more suited to the proceedings of a debating society than to the deliberations of the House of Commons. If, therefore, the Resolution under discussion were agreed to, it must, he thought, be regarded as pledging the House to a repeal of the duties in question, if not immediately, at all events at no distant period. Now, it was, he believed, an established rule in the conduct of its proceedings that the House should first vote the Supplies necessary to be granted to Her Majesty, and should afterwards resolve itself into a Committee of Ways and Means, to decide upon the mode in which those Supplies were to be raised. usual course was to wait for the Estimates, and after hearing from the recognized authority on those matters-the Chancellor of the Exchequer-an account of the state of the finances of the country, then to consider the relations between income and expenditure, and what were the most proper taxes for reduction or remission if such could be made. But this Motion was made before half the Estimates had been laid before the House, when only a single vote had been taken in supply, and without any reference to the comparative claims of other articles to be released from taxation if such a course was possible. It must be borne in mind that the produce of these duties was no less last year than £564,000, which was too large an amount to give up at a moment's notice. At all events, it was necessary that the Chancellor of the Exchequer, when he came to make his

The

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