The colonies were established, said they, not to become, as those of the ancients, the equals of the mother-country, but to be subservient to her will. In losing them, England lost the most prolific nursery of her seamen;-her army suffered in like manner. It was to her colonial troops that she was principally indebted for the conquest of Nova Scotia, Newfoundland, Cape Breton Island, Canada, Labrador, and Northern Louisiana, all acquired in the course of the century. The kings of England, and the English people, in stripping France of these vast and useful domains, had degraded her from the first rank, and taken her place. They engrossed, with few exceptions, the commerce of the whole world; their preponderance in the affairs of Europe was no longer disputed; and these advantages resulted from the supremacy they had established at sea. They thought themselves sure of never losing it, if the colonies could be reclaimed and held to the yoke. But, if England were to be deprived of the aid of her American subjects, and of the naval munitions which they could furnish in such abundance;-if she must renounce her sovereignty of the seas that wash the shores of their continent, and the monopoly of their ports and harbours for her armed fleets;-if, in fine, she were exposed to have them as enemies, the British power might be thenceforth regarded as a Colossus wanting a proportionate base. The mighty superstructure, raised with so much industry and perseverance, but not with a due foresight, must, sooner or later, be shaken to its foundations, and the damage might be irreparable. An agricultural state, with economy as the rule of the whole system, could easily apply to navigation and commerce. But there was no such facility in the transition from commerce to agriculture;-in the relinquishment of habits of luxury and the gratifications of wealth.

A preponderating power rarely fails to incur, by its arrogance and injustice, the hatred of the other nations. To the hatred imbibed against England, was added the favour which the cause of liberty usually conciliates from mankind, whatever, ` may be the governments under which they live. No state, no potentate had an interest adverse to the independence of the colonies. Thus, Europe could calculate without alarm, to what a height of prosperity these new communities might attain. England alone had reason to be jealous.

Spain, indeed, mindful that the conquest of the Havanna had been the work of troops levied in the British provinces, should have startled at the prospect of their future greatness, and at an example that might be imitated throughout her vast colonies; but, swept along by the current of events, she yielded to necessity, and trusted to fortune for the preservation of her transatlantic empire.

France retained but a faint recollection of those violations of public law, by which, at the commencement of the last war, so many French vessels and sailors fell a prey to England; and it was at the same time forgotten that in this unlucky contest, the militia of the British colonies had mainly contributed to conquer Canada and Upper Louisiana for Great Britain. English America was little known in France, and yet the insurgents had no where else a more numerous or unreserved body of friends. That hate between the two nations;-that jealousy which would seem destined to endure as long as the coasts of France and England lie opposite, raged anew with the utmost intensity; and the disgrace of the treaty of Fontainbleau kindled, after a lapse of fifteen years, fiercer indignation, than when it was signed. It was thus that grievances were resuscitated, which will be eternal, if, at some future period, the party last discomfited, have not the wisdom to silence its resentments.

It has been since questioned, whether France, in assisting the revolted colonies with all her strength, followed the dictates of sound policy. Some have thought that it would have been preferable to allow England to exhaust herself by a war, which we could have fed secretly but sparingly, and have thus made interminable. Others, considering rebellion as contagious, have ascribed the disasters of our Revolution, to our connexion with the United States. Without sifting these points-at the best problematical-it would suffice, perhaps, in order to justify the conduct of the French government, to reflect what would have been the consequence of an alliance formed between England and her colonies on conditions perfectly equal, such as they were actually submitted for adoption, by several statesmen on both sides. It is probable that the ruin of the French marine would have resulted from this league. But the experience of ages has demonstrated, that great states cannot prosper when they are deprived of the benefits of navigation.

Navies are hardly less important than armies, for the defence of coasts and maritime cities; and colonies beyond sea, cannot be preserved without a respectable naval force. It equally behoves a great nation to keep her foreign trade independent of other powers. The nation that neglects this duty, is punished sooner or later. It surrenders to strangers, the profits of freight and commission. It is at their mercy in respect to its exports and imports, and even as to articles of first necessity. The ship is to commerce, what the plough is to agriculture.

Let us not revert to the American Revolution for the primary cause of the excesses which marred that of France, nor imitate those judges whose skill consists in awaiting the event. The cabinet of Versailles, far from being condemned, at the time, for this alliance, was blamed for extreme circumspection;--an unjust reproach, because deliberation and ripeness of knowVOL. II.

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ledge are never more necessary than when the resolution to be taken is of peace or war.

After much hesitation, the alliance between France and the United States was at length concluded: But, in giving this provocation to England, the cabinet of Versailles affected to believe that she would not resent the proceeding, and acted as if she could have seen it with indifference. The squadron ready at Toulon should have sailed on the very day the French ambassador made known to the court of London that the treaty with the Americans was signed. The fruits of this expedition were lost by delays which might have been avoided. Ministers pleaded the necessity of opposing order and economy to a nation that expected to triumph by lavishing her treasures. But even order suffers by procrastination, and true economy lies in expending usefully and seasonably. This was felt and acknowledged at a later period. The transport of land-succours was also deferred through a false prudence. An idle fear was indulged of alarming a people the more jealous of their liberty, as they were just beginning to enjoy it. So far, however, from dreading these succours, congress had, by its ambassadors, made the most pressing instances for them. It was finally determined that a chosen force, not numerous, but ably commanded, perfectly disciplined, and completely equipped, should be despatched to America.

All the youth of France manifested the desire of fighting in America. We had never seen so thronged a competition for so few posts. Talents, favour, intrigue, every thing was brought to bear, to procure employment in this expedition. Since the era of the Crusades, there had not been exhibited such an eagerness to go beyond sea, to regions almost unknown, for the purpose of defending a cause scarcely understood.

To the passion of glory common to men of lofty courage, was added another feeling with which every bosom already throbbed. It was the first inspiration of liberty; and even then, we could perceive, that if this magic power had wise and moderate friends in France, she would find also votaries fanatical in their zeal.

The news of this armament reached England immediately, and the nation, hitherto divided as to the object and utility of the war, appeared of a sudden to have but one purpose and desire that of vengeance. But a little before it was under deliberation, whether the mother-country should not acknowledge the independence of her rebellious children: now, the resolution was unanimous, "to chastise their revolt and the crime of having contracted an alliance with the implacable enemy of the British power."

Thus commenced the war between two nations perpetually rivals; equally powerful; the one at sea, the other on land:-The

one formidable for her fleets, the largest and the best managed that the ocean had ever borne, and for her credit which her punctuality has enabled her to stretch far beyond the limits prescribed by prudence; the other, for her population, her martial genius, and her military resources: Both, supereminent in arts, science, letters, and the discoveries by which the happiness of man has been promoted. The other powers became universally intent on the events which were to grow out of this rupture. The measures of France produced great, though tardy effects, and her arms shone, in the new world, with a lustre eclipsed, indeed, for the last thirty years, in the old.

But England so redoubtable at sea, could not fail to discover that she was incompetent to contend, in both hemispheres, against a nation inexhaustible in good generals and brave soldiers. This, then, was the moment to resort to corruption, and to lavish gold, the auxiliary of governments whose chief strength consists in their wealth. The English ministry employed emissaries who were instructed to spare nothing, in order to seduce from the cause of independence, the men in the revolted colonies the most eminent for their influence, talents, or services. The language of the ministry was-"Scatter presents; make pro"mises; you will be borne out in every thing; there is scarcely 66 any probity that can withstand gold; give opportunely, and 66 you will succeed." Those who have so little confidence in human virtue, usually possess the least share of it themselves. If they are at the head of affairs, their doctrine works their own ruin; for, in debauching the public morals, they sap the foundations of their own power.

The conjuncture was not favourable for this plan of seduction; and the sound, hearty principles, the simple and frugal habits, of the Americans, afforded no opening for bribery. The most of them devoted to agriculture, to commerce, or to professions which equally placed them above want, deemed the fulfilment of their duties the surest road to happiness, and obedience to the laws as the only rule of conduct for a good citizen. It is true that love of country was a phrase without meaning, where country did not yet exist. As for honour, vaunted as the spring of great actions in other quarters, the doubt is suggested whether it can flourish in communities so studious of a perfect equality among all the members, and in which there is no durable elevation nor depression. Few Americans, perhaps, could have defined honour; but all performed their duty and complied with the laws.

Those who were immediately entrusted with the management of the federal concerns, had been so happily chosen, that the English commissioners deputed to ply the congress with gold, did not find a single man of this body accessible to their largesses. Most of those to whom they were proffered, never

mentioned the indignity, and this silence testifies how much they held themselves outraged.

The revolutions of states are almost always disgraced by acts of treachery. They are fed, as it were, on suspicion, and protracted by the thirst of vengeance. That of the United States had alone a different character. If we except a small number of men fond of intrigue, and interested in disorder, congress was composed of upright, unambitious citizens. In the midst of the agitations and divisions inseparable from popular assemblies, this remained unshaken in its love of liberty and its hatred of the English yoke. Hence sprung a mutual confidence between a majority of the delegates, and when substitutions occurred, the new members brought with them sentiments of esteem for their predecessors, which the latter were not backward in repaying. The first care of the delegates was to provide for the constitution they had just framed, the support of pure morals and good faith; to put disinterestedness in repute; and they furnished, in their own conduct, a model of the virtues which they inculcated on their fellow citizens.

In the army, above all, were these virtues most conspicuous. It underwent every sort of inconvenience and suffering with admirable patience. Never was there less luxury seen than in the American camp, and even under the tent of Washington. The greater part of the generals had left at home what was sufficient for men of moderate desires, and who did not seek service from the cupidity of gain. They submitted to all the privations which the common soldier had to endure; and if abstemiousness was often a necessary virtue for both, they never detracted from its merit by their complaints.

Among the American generals, BENEDICT ARNOLD was one of the most distinguished. Born in Connecticut of obscure parents, he received the education suitable to an humble condition. The occupations of his youth were not fitted to prepare him for the functions which he was called to exercise in the sequel. At first, a dealer in horses, he sustained losses in this trade. Eager for renown, greedy of money, the troubles of his country inspired him with the hope of acquiring fame and fortune by the profession of arms. He soon won a high military reputation. His impatience for wealth was not so easily grati

fied.

Washington, encouraged by secret advices that the Canadians were inclined to make part of the Union, projected the surprise of Quebec. This hazardous undertaking required leaders at once active, vigilant, bold, and inflexibly patient. He