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"the cause of liberty was again conspi- to hope; but it is by no means impossible, "cuous. The enemies of the confederated that two or three years may see freedom "provinces were every where defeated, established in all those countries, whither "and the approach of day-light displayed the Spaniards carried slavery, persecution, to view the leaders of about 700 victims. and the most horrible cruelties.Now, "Such are the particulars I now have now is the time for the achievement. The it in my power to detail; and since the old government of Spain can give its re"defeat of this horrible project, I have presentatives no assistance; it has neither "taken the necessary measures to secure ships nor troops. England can spare none "and bring to trial the prisoners, but not of the latter. Every man that she can "until some of the conspirators, taking spare out of these islands is called for in "advantage of the confusion, effected Portugal, Spain and Sicily. She cannot "their escape through the gates of the send troops against the Republicans of "city. I am happy to add that all is South America; and, as to Napoleon, his "now tranquil, and the prisoners in my ships, if he had the troops to spare, dare "hands will be brought to trial, and exe- not venture out to sea. Thus is all Europe "cuted, as soon as is consistent with the benumbed with regard to South America course of the law."--Another article and its revolutions. The great powers of intelligence is of still more importance. here, who could alone interfere with efIt appears, that, on the 21st of September, fect, are safely bound to Europe by their a person of the name of Paz had been ap- mutual animosities. This is lucky, at least, pointed on a mission from the Govern- for South America, which will now ment of Venezuela to that of the United become an object of extraordinary inStates; and that he was to inform the terest with those, who wish to see freelatter that his Confederation is ready and dom and happiness the lot of all men, inwilling to enter into a commercial treaty habit whatever country they may.--A with the North American Government.- free commerce with South America, or This, though naturally to be expected, even with the Caraccas alone, will produce is intelligence of a high order. That wonderful effects in the United States. It such a treaty will be formed there is precisely that sort of commerce which is is little room to doubt. Indeed, the most advantageous to them: it opens a Speech of the American President pre- market for their produce, and what they pared us for this, and more. "In con- have never before had, for their manufac"templating the scenes," says he, “which tures. The terms of such commerce can"distinguish this momentous epoch, and not fail to be liberal: there will be a fel"estimating their claims to our attention, low feeling between the parties; there "it is impossible to overlook those deve- will be every motive for friendship and "loping themselves among the great com- reciprocally advantageous intercourse. "munities, which occupy the Southern And, what are we doing with regard "portion of our own hemisphere, and ex- to the Caraccas? We are sending out "tend into our neighbourhood. An en- Commissioners to the people there. And to "larged philanthropy and an enlight- do what? To mediate between them and "ened forecast concur in imposing on the the government of Old Spain, which go"National Councils an obligation to take a vernment they no longer acknowledge! deep interest in their destinies; to cherish They have not only declared for indepenreciprocal sentiments of good will; to regard dence; but, they have fought for it; have "the progress of events; and not to be un- won it; have formed a constitution of goprepared for whatever order of things may vernment for themselves; and have ap"be ultimately established.”– Let any one pointed one envoy at least to treat with a look at the map of America, and he will foreign power. And do we expect, that, be at once convinced, that there must after this, they will enter into any negociaexist a close connection between the tion, or conference, as subjects of Old Spain, United States and the new Republics that being the only capacity in which our which are rising up in the South. The Commissioners will be authorised to conlatter have the Gold and Silver and nu-sider them? If we do, we expect a great merous other commodities wanted in the United States, while these latter have all the things wanted by their Southern neighbours, ships and arms and ammunition not excepted. It may be too much

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deal more than is authorised either by the nature of the case or the character of the parties principally concerned-Yet, while we are allied with the Old Government of Spain, we cannot enter into any compact

with the Republicans in South America: we cannot consider them as independent; but must, as far as we are able, take the opposite side; and, if, at last, Napoleon should subdue Old Spain, we shall have friends in neither country.- -Besides, what an example! would the Anti-Jacobins exclaim. What an example, in taking part with, or giving countenance to Republicanism, and that, too, after having fought so many years against its principles in France! Yet, there is some reason to expect, that we must condescend, at last, to treat with these people as an independent nation; or, we must expect to have them for enemies in a neighbourhood where enterprizing enemies may be very dangerous.- But let us watch events: for they are the only instructors that we now listen to.

pity, and particularly those who have some relations prisoners in France. I must confess, that I was induced, like many other people, to think that we had offered very advantageous proposals to the French concerning the exchange, and that on the contrary, their's were neither founded upon reason nor justice; and I pitied the long captivity of our unfortunate countrymen without the prospect of an exchange. But Candidus's letter has awoke my atten tion, and in making use of the small portion of underanding that nature has given me, I see plainly, by an impartial examination, that the proposals of the French are not so much to be despised, nor so much to the disadvantage of this country, as they have been represented; and it gave me some hope that the long sufferings of our prisoners may soon come to an end. According to Candidus's statement, I found NOTTINGHAM RIOTS.These riots do that the principal, or rather the only, obnot seem to be put an end to. The rioters jection made against the plan of evacuahave burnt some corn stacks, it seems, and tion proposed by the French, consisted in committed various other enormities, not this; that some of our countrymen, aconly in the county where their operations cording to their plan, would remain began, but also in Derbyshire and Leices- two months longer in France than actershire. Great numbers of troops, horse cording to our own. It is now easy to and foot, are stated to have been marched prove that the portion of time for this pur against them; but, hitherto, without much pose would be the same in both cases. To success, The cause of these riots is un-elucidate this matter, we must remember, questionably a scarcity of work in the manufactures co-operating with the high price of bread. The former might in some measure be removed, the latter cannot by any power that man possesses. Whether it would be right to remove the former, by such steps as would re-open the ports of America to our goods, is a question upon which we differ; but, no one can doubt, that Napoleon has his eye upon these riots, and upon this marching of troops against them; and as little is it to be doubted, that he will not be thereby discouraged from adhering to his measures for shutting out English goods from the continent of Europe. Satisfied as I am, that such exclusion will, in the end, be a benefit to the people of England, I am by no means disposed to repine at his smuggling laws. WM. COBBETT.

State Prison, Newgate, Friday, 20th December, 1811.

that when Mr. M'Kenzie was at Morlaix, the English prisoners in France, were estimated as one to three, with respect to the number of French prisoners in England, and it was for that very reason that the French proposed to exchange the pri soners by 3,000 at a time (viz. one thousand English and two thousand Spaniards or Portuguese), in order that the English in France, and the French in England, might constantly remain, during the exchange, in the same proportion. Now, if we suppose the sea ports agreed upon by each government for the evacuation of the Prisoners to be at Plymouth and Morlaix;

In order to carry home our own 16,000 Prisoners, by one thousand at once, it would require the ships fitted out for that purpose to make 16 voyages from Morlaix to Plymouth. If therefore the ships, instead of bringing over only one, thousand at once, were to bring over three thousand each turn, the whole 16 thousand English and 32 thousand allies would be all brought over in the SIR; I have read, in your Weekly Re-time assigned for bringing over the 16 gister of the 7th December 1811, a letter thousand English only. This statement upon the subject of Prisoners of War, is accurate, and presents itself to our conwhich has interested the friends of huma-viction at once. Some people, I know,

PRISONERS OF WAR.

bave objected to the Spanish and Portuguese Prisoners coming to this country (according to the plan of the French;) but I consider their coming hither of a much greater advantage, in a military point of view, than if they were sent to Cadiz (by one thousand at a time) where they would be of very little use, and of no influence in the operation of the War; whereas, if we had them here all together, we could carry them to whatever point of the Peninsula we might choose, either to strike some great blow, or to make a very powerful diversion. As to the expence which has been mentioned for clothing. and arming them, I dare say that two months pay of the French Prisoners in England would be more than sufficient for that purpose. Besides, if those Prisoners were sent from France to Spain as we propose, would there not then be the same attendant expence! Do not our Papers often inform us of clothes and arms being sent for our Spanish allies? and would there be any difference of expenditure, whether we should send these articles packed up, or on the back of the Soldiers? But even if we were to equip them, to the Peninsula, in the most expensive manner, it would only be, to spend a pound to save much more than ten thousand would to Heaven, then, that we were never to make a worse speculation than this!-I can remember but one thing more, which has been advanced against the plan of evacuation as proposed by the French, which, so far from being an objection, is, as I should think, a high recommendation to it; and that is, that our allies would be exchanged at the same time with our own Prisoners. For my part, I cannot conceive that our Prisoners would object to this plan, nor can I see in what manner it would be an injury or an injustice towards our soldiers to exchange them with those who have fought by their side, and been taken along with them. Were it not for such erroneous ideas, our countrymen would now have been returned to their homes a year ago. How many years they are still to remain captives, and what good reason may be given for their captivity, we must ask of those who lay all the blame upon the French government.-As to our plan of evacuation, Candidus has given us very clear reasons, why the French government must object to it. The French have as

great right to mistrust us, as we to mistrust them; and can any one blame them? nay, have not the transactions for these last ten years proved that we are by no means so pure a people as to refuse to adopt a measure very advantageous, only because it is unjust: Might not the French have just ground to expect that after the evacuation of Spain and Portugal by the British army, we should say to them; now that the Spaniards and Portuguese are become French subjects, we cannot reasonably exchange them against Frenchmen: When, therefore, and against whom (the French would say) would have been exchanged the 30,000 French Prisoners remaining in this country?-We see then, Sir, that by consenting to the French plan of evacuation, our countrymen would be exchanged in the same length of time, as by our own; that we should save more than one million sterling a year (necessary for the maintenance of the French Prisoners in this coun-* try) and moreover should have 50,000 English and Spaniards to dispose of. These are advantages resulting from an exchange of Prisoners to the country at large; and what a blessing would it be,

for our brave and unfortunate countrymen, who without it may perhaps never see their country again;-for their friends in England, who long to see them;-for the wives and children who have been deprived of their husbands and fathers for so many years? (I mean the wives and children of the English travellers detained in France ever since the year 1803). It belongs only, Sir, to a pen like yours, to treat such an interesting subject as it ought to be. When the good of the country is in contemplation, it is enough to give a hint to a man like Mr. Cobbett: we see him always in search of subjects which tend to the good and happiness of his countrymen; he will certainly undertake to plead so just a cause as this (upon which our venal writers will keep silent because they have nothing to say against it), and I hope, that, through him, the truths contained in this letter, will find their way to the Public, and perhaps reach our gracious and benevolent Prince (the only hope of England) who will not think, I am sure, this subject unworthy of his high consideration.I have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient servant, MILES. December 13, 1811.

Published by R. BAGSHAW, Brydges-Street, Covent Garden. LONDON :-Printed by T: C. Hansard, Peterborough-Court, Fleet-Street,

VOL. XX. No. 26.] LONDON, SATURDAY, DECEMBER 28, 1811. [Price 19.

"We will sell to no man, we will not deny or defer, to any man, either Justice or Right."MAGNA CHARTA.

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SUMMARY OF POLITICS.

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Then will this sanguinary theatre * "of his domestic cruelties, like the den of Cacus, be laid open to public view, his EX OFFICIO INFORMATIONS IN IRELAND." conscriptions, and bastilles, and soli-In the Times news-paper of the 26th "tary murders.' -First of all let me instant, there is an article, which I shall observe, that, after having read the two notice, before I touch upon the subject documents, here referred to, I am fully here proposed for discussion. The Ex Of convinced, that they are fabrications. ficio Informations in Ireland, and especially They are communicated by a corresthe case that I am going particularly to pondent, who calls himself "GERMA notice, call loudly for remark; but, I believe, "NICUS ;" and, the object of them is, to that I should perhaps have delayed the task keep alive, in the minds of the people for another week, if I had not met with the here, a great horror of the oppressions inarticle in the Times, which I have men-flicted by Napoleon on all the people tioned above, and which I will now insert. who are under his sway. Germanicus -" Our paper of this day contains two compliments our friend I. S. and is, doubt"documents of somewhat antiquated date; less, I. S. himself, who, be it observed, "but yet of so much importance, as elu- has not thought proper to. accept of my cidating the manner in which the Con- challenge upon the subject of Mr. Ma"tinent is oppressed, insulted, and plun-dison's speech; but has preferred let"dered by Buonaparté and his agents, ting my article run all through the "that we cannot omit inserting them. North American Continent without any "They issue from the official bureaus of reply to accompany it. But, supposing "the Westphalian and French Ministers the above-mentioned documents not to be "at Cassel. The former of them com- fabrications; supposing the first to be in"mands the people of Westphalia to tes- tended to bully the people of Westphalia "tify their joy on the birth-day of Jerome into demonstrations of joy on the anniversary "Buonaparte, by public festivals and of king Jerome's birth; supposing it to be "meetings. The latter directs the re- true, that Napoleon insists upon his stipu "ceivers of the Forest rents to secure lated share of the public property in Hanover. Buonaparte his stipulated share of the What then? Have we never on the continent plunder of the Hanoverian revenues; and heard of such things before? Have we "cautions them against the application of never before heard of a nation being bullied "any part thereof to the necessities of the into rejoicings? Have we never before heard Poor, suffering Westphalians! But of a sovereign's insisting upon his full share of "to what people of the Continent may the plunder arising from captures?—The "not the same epithet be applied? Your reader may ask, however, what this ar"lot is the common one of all others over ticle in the Times has to do with Irish In"whom the ferocious Tyrant has extended formations Ex Officio. A very natural ques"his dominion. Poor, oppressed, and suf- tion; and one which, at first sight, may "fering Dutchmen! Poor, oppressed; and appear to be not very easy to answer. "suffering Swiss! and so may we run The truth is, that the two subjects have through the list of European nations. no other connection than this: that, this "And perhaps, when the time shall come writer appeared to me to be wasting his "that the universal Oppressor shall have compassion upon foreigners, while it was "followed his predecessors in guilt, and called for by the situation of one of his own his internal administration of France countrymen; the publisher of a news-pa"herself shall be exposed to view, her suf- per in Ireland, to whose case I beg leave to "ferings and oppressions, though now hid solicit the attention of the reader. I had " in darkness and silence, may be found to been looking at this case; I had been read"have been only so much the more se- ing the proceedings on it; I had been " vere, as she has been nearer his per-thinking about it; I was just about to

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take up my pen to write upon it, when the above article in the Times caught my eye. Bless me! said I, how enlarged is the philanthropy of this writer! With what pathos he speaks of the poor, suffering Westphalians, Dutchmen, and Swiss! But, has he no feeling for the poor, suffering Mr. Cox, his countryman and his brother public writer? My philanthropy is not, I must confess, of so enlarged, or rather, over-stretching, a kind. I am for thinking of my own country before I think of any other; and, I cannot think and feel for my country, without feeling for those who live in it. There are numerous writers who are very loud in defence of "the country" (as they call it); but who never seem to have any feeling for any one who inhabits it. This is a sort of patriotism, which I do not understand.- -Now to my case; and, I will venture to assert, that one equal to it the reader has never yet seen or heard of.

But, first of all, though I have done it once before, I must explain the nature of the power of the Attorney General as to Informations Ex-Officio.In the ordinary course of our law, when a man is accused of a crime, there is a bill of indictment drawn up and presented against him. If the Grand Jury, to whom the bill is presented, find that there is ground for the charge, the accused person is put upon his trial; if not, he is set at large. So that, as the reader will see, here are two points secured; first, that there is a jury to judge of the grounds of trial before the accused can be tried, which is a pretty good protection against groundless charges; second, that the accused must either be discharged at once, or put upon his trial, which prevents him from being harrassed by delays and tormented with suspence. -Now, mark the difference. The Information Ex-Officio is a thing which excludes the interposition of the Grand Jury. It is drawn up by the Attorney General, and it is placed upon the file, or list, of things to be tried, without any previous investigation by any body but himself, and, the man whom he chooses thus to accuse, is ordered to come and take his trial, whenever the Attorney General pleases. He may file Ex-Officio informations against whomsoever he pleases, and as often as he pleases against the same person. He may cause such person to come and be tried whenever he pleases: he may bring him to trial the next term; or, if he chooses, he may

keep the information suspended over him for many years, nay, to the day of his death. He may cause him to come into court to be tried every term; and he may put off the trial time after time, as long as he pleases; and he may have as many of these informations as he pleases going on, at the same time, against the same person. He may, if he pleases, drop for ever any or all of such informations; he may put a man upon his trial on one information, and leave the rest hanging over his head. He may put him upon his trial on a subsequent information and keep former ones in reserve; or he may keep the latest in reserve and put him upon his trial on the former ones. There is no limit to his authority in any of these respects. The Attorney General is responsible to nobody either for the grounds of his accusations or for any other part of his conduct relating to these informations. He may, indeed, be put out of his place by the King, whenever the ministers choose to advise it; and, how this check is calculated to operate; in what way this check is calculated to guide his conduct, the reader will not be at any great loss to guess. All this, however, we knew before; but a case has arisen in Ireland, which has brought out something, which, I dare say, will be quite new to the greater part of my readers.The case, to which I allude, is that of Mr. Walter Cox, who is now a prisoner in Newgate in Ireland, under a sentence of libel, flowing from an Ex-Officio Information. Being there, and being, apparently, wholly ruined, the Attorney General (Mr. Saurin) files another Ex-Officio information against him. Having been served with an order to plead to it, he applied for a copy of the information that he might know what it was that he was accused of. But, he was told, that he could not have this copy until he paid the fees of the office and the Stamp Duty: on the Copy. These amounted, he was told, to twenty pounds, and the poor man had not twenty pounds. But, not having taken out the copy and paid the fees and stamp duty, he was not allowed to plead : and, as he had not pleaded, he was set down as guilty of the crime laid to his charge; and, was about to receive a new sentence, without any more ado, when his counsel came into court, on the 28th of November last, and stated his case, demanding, at the same time, that he should be furnished with a copy of the charge against him, and be suffered to take a fair trial-Mr. Perrin was one of his coun

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